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LIBRARY 

University   •! 

IRVINE 


J3ANQUET    BY 

THE  DEMOCRATIC   CLUB 


IN 


Celebration  of  the  15  6th  Birthday 


OF 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ON 


Thursday,  April   i3th,    1899 


AT  THE 


METROPOLITAN    OPERA    HOUSE 


NEW    YORK 


E 

3 
M3 


OFFICERS 
1899. 


President, 
PERRY   BELMONT. 

First  Vice-President, 
EDWARD  F.  O'DWYER. 

Second  Vice-President, 
CORD  MEYER. 

Treasurer, 
THEODORE  F.  HASCALL. 

Secretary, 
WILLIAM  E.    WYATT. 

Corresponding  Secretary, 
ADRIAN    T.    KIERNAN. 


BOARD     OF"     GOVERNORS, 

Term  expires  December,  1899, 

P.  HENRY  DUGRO.  ASA  BIRD  GARDINER. 

ANDREW  FREEDMAN.  JAMES  McCARTNEY. 

Term  expires  December,  1900, 

JAMES  SHEVLIN.  WILLIAM  F.  GRELL. 

JOHN  F.  CARROLL.  M.  WARLEY  PLATZEK. 

Term  expires  December,  1901, 

RICHARD  CROKER.  THOMAS  E.  CRIMMINS. 

JOHN  FOX.  JOHN  W.  KELLER. 


[EXTRACT — DEMOCRATIC  CLUB  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK.] 

' '  Its  object  is  to  foster,  disseminate  and  give  effect  to  Democratic 
principles." 


[EXTRACT  FROM  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.] 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident ;  that  all  men  are 
created  equal  and  independent ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  inalienable  rights ;  that  among;  these  are  life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness." 


Haut  Sauterne  OYSTER  COCKTAILS 

Oloroso  Sherry  CLEAR  GREEN  TURTLE 

FRESH   MUSHROOMS 

BROOK  TROUT 

CUCUMBERS 

Pontet  Canet  TENNESSEE  SPRING  LAMB 

BERMUDA  POTATOES 

G.  H.  Mumm's  Extra  Dry 

SWEETBREADS   BRAISED 

NEW  GREEN  PEAS 
Moet  &  Ohandon  White  Seal 

DEMOCRATIC   CLUB  PUNCH 
Piper  Heidsieck  Brut 
Pommery  Nature 

PHILADELPHIA  SQUAB  ON  TOAST 

AMERICAN  SALAD 
Perrier  Jouet  Brut 

TUTTI  FRUTTI  FANCY  FORMS 

ASSORTED  CAKES  STRAWBERRY  TARTLETS 

Appolinaris  CHEESE 

White  Rock  FRUIT 

Cigars  COFFEE 


rogramme  .  . 

OVERTURE                   "WILLIAM  TELL''  Rossini 

CORNET  SOLO  "  THE  OLD  KENTUCKY  HOME  "  Foster 
MR.  W.  PARIS  CHAMBERS 

MARCH                            "  JEFFERSONIAN  "  Fancuilli 
Dedicated  to  the  Democratic  Club — written  for  the  occassion 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  IRELAND  Boltziger 

INTERMEZZO        "  CAVALLERIA  RUSTICANA  "  -Mascagni 

SONG  OF  BONNIE  SCOTLAND  Wiegand 

OUR  NATIONAL  PATROL  -   Fancuilli 

SOUNDS  FROM  FATHERLAND  Andaner 

MEDLEY               "  AROUND  THE  VAUDEVILLE'  Beyer 
J.   FANCUILLI,   CONDUCTOR 


.  .  Coasts  .  . 


"OUR  COUNTRY   AND  HER  COMMERCE" 
HON.  AUGUSTUS  VAN  WYCK 

"JEFFERSON" 
HON.  JOHN  B.  STANCHFIELD 

"DEMOCRACY" 
HON.  FREDERICK  C.  SCHRAUB 

HARMONY  IN  THE   DEMOCRATIC   PARTY ; 
HON    ROBERT  B.  ROOSEVELT 

"THE  BROOKLYN  DEMOCRACY" 
GEN.  ISAAC  S.  CATLIN 

'THE  ARMY   AND   THE  NAVY" 
HON.  AMOS  J.  CUMMINGS 

"THE  CITY  OF  NEW   YORK" 
HON.  JOHN  W.  KELLER 


ADDRESS  OP  HON.  PERRY  BELMONT. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Democratic  Club,  permit  me  to  extend  on  your 
behalf,  a  most  hearty  welcome  to  the  distinguished  Democrats  who 
are  our  guests  to-night.  It  is  fitting  that  this  Democratic  Club  cele- 
brate the  birthday  of  him  whose  monument  is  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  the  first  Democratic  President,  the  first  Secretary  of 
State,  the  constructor  of  the  first  Democratic  platform,  the  founder 
of  the  Democratic  party. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  a  party  man  of  the  Democratic  type.  To 
him  as  a  Democrat  the  world  is  a  debtor  for  that  which  was  a  novelty 
in  political  government  until  his  own  immortal  words  proclaimed  the 
doctrine  that  the  right  to  "  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  " 
is  inalienable,  and  to  secure  it  governments  are  instituted  "deriving 
their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  governed."  As  a  Lawgiver, 
the  Northwestern  Ordinance,  framed  by  him,  is  his  imperishable 
record.  It  has  been,  under  the  Constitution,  a  source  of  the  great- 
ness and  power  and  a  chief  peculiarity  of  the  American  Union.  It 
was  formulated  in  1784,  developed  in  1787,  greatly  perfected  after 
the  Mexican  War  for  the  government  of  territories  theoretically 
under  the  absolute  control  of  Congress,  yet  always  in  a  condition  of 
self-government,  in  order  that  they  may  fit  themselves  to  become 
American  States.  As  a  Diplomatist  and  skillful  Politician  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana  places  him  beyond  all  present  rivalry.  To 
his  great  achievement  our  country  owes  the  vast  domain  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  now  the  seat  of  eleven  prosperous  States.  May  our 
country  always  have  such  a  President  when  the  wise  enlargement  of 
the  national  territory  becomes  expedient  or  necessary  ! 

A  Democratic  President  controlled  by  the  teachings  of  Jefferson 
and  traditions  of  his  party  would  to-day  have  a  definite  policy  per- 
fectly understood  by  the  nation  at  large  ;  but  modern  Republicanism 
is  opportunism — no  one  knows  whither  it  is  going.  The  opportunist 


16 


often  does  what  is  most  inopportune.  The  politician  influenced  by 
expediency  often  does  what  is  most  inexpedient.  The  present 
Republican  policy  is  that  of  thrift  and  drift. 

This  is  not  the  place  or  time  to  relate  in  detail  the  history  of  the 
negotiations  by  Jefferson  with  Napoleon,  beginning  in  that  month  of 
1802  when  a  Spanish  officer  at  New  Orleans  revoked  the  license 
granted  by  the  treaty  with  Spain  of  1795  to  deposit  American  pro- 
ducts at  that  port  and  freely  ship  them  thence  to  the  West  Indies  and 
Europe,  and  ending  on  that  last  day  in  April  in  the  next  year  when 
the  treaty  was  signed. 

Attempts  to  impair  the  title  of  Jefferson  to  the  honor  of  the 
American  part  of  that  successful  diplomacy  have  been  failures.-  The 
plan  was  Jefferson's  ;  the  execution  of  the  plan  was  his.  While  he 
baffled  the  Federalists,  endeavoring  to  push  him  into  a  war  with 
France,  he  conciliated  the  Northwestern  States,  exasperated  because 
deprived  of  an  outlet  to  the  Gulf.  His  official  instructions  to  Living- 
ston and  Monroe,  his  private  letters  to  each  published  not  long  ago, 
disclose  one  controlling  head  on  the  American  side.  Recent  revela- 
tions also  show  that  Jefferson  exploited  in  a  most  timely  and  effective 
way,  the  hopes  and  fears  which  controlled  the  conduct  of  the  great 
First  Consul. 

It  is  not  easy  for  history  to  separate  the  President  of  the  United 
States  from  the  credit  or  discredit  of  the  chief  acts  of  an  Administra- 
tion. So  it  is  with  Jefferson  and  the  Louisiana  purchase  ;  with 
Madison  and  the  war  of  1812  ;  with  Polk  and  the  war  of  1848  ;  with 
Lincoln  and  the  war  of  Secession  ;  with  Grant  and  the  Alabama 
Treaty.  So  will  it  be  with  McKinley  and  the  war  with  Spain. 
Praise,  or  blame,  for  what  was  demanded  at  Paris  will  be  his.  If 
the  President  has  the  benefit  of  success,  he  should  bear  the  burden  of 
failure. 

The  recent  treaty  with  Spain  has  been  ratified.  It  is  now  an 
established  fact  in  our  law  and  our  politics.  It  declares  that  "the 
civil  rights  and  political  status  of  the  native  inhabitants  therein 
ceded  to  the  United  States  shall  be  determined  by  the  Congress."  The 
discretion  and  decision  are  legislative,  and  not  executive.  The 


17 


President's  war  power,  growing  out  of  the  war  with  Spain,  is  at  an 
end.  If  he  does  not  assemble  Congress  to  do  what  the  treaty 
ordained,  and  the  public  welfare  shall  thereby  suifer,  the  responsi- 
bility will  be  his. 

Jefferson's  first  inaugural  is  our  first  Democratic  platform  ;  the 
fundamental  principles  therein  set  forth  contain  the  essentials  of 
Democracy.  They  form,  said  their  author,  "  the  bright  constellation 
which  has  gone  before  us,"  and  should  be  in  "the  future,  he  added, 
"  the  creed  of  our  political  faith,  the  text  of  civic  instruction,  the 
touchstone  by  which  to  try  the  service  of  those  we  trust." 

In  the  second  inaugural,  making  application  of  what  had  been 
previously  said,  were  these  significant  utterances  : 

"  I  know  that  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  has  been  disapproved 
by  some  from  a  candid  apprehension  that  the  enlargement  of  our 
territory  would  endanger  its  Union.  But  who  can  limit  the  extent  to 
which  the  Federative  principle  may  operate  effectively  ?  " 

What  prescience  and  foresight  that  question  implied  !  The 
"  Federative  principle  "  looks  to  an  indissoluble  union  of  indestruc- 
tible States.  It  repudiates  and  repels  an  empire  of  vassal  colonies 
never  to  be  States. 

He  declared  as  self-evident  that  "  all  men  are  created  equal."  He 
demanded  "  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men"  and  the  maintenance 
of  "  equality  of  rights."  The  Fourteenth  Amendment  specifically 
secured  that  equality  by  forbidding  any  State  to  deny  it,  The  inter- 
diction was  a  pledge  that  every  one  in  every  State  shall  be  protected 
by  just  and  equal  laws,  not  necessarily  the  same  laws,  because  diver- 
sity in  the  different  States  may  promote  that  equality  which  is  an 
attribute  of  liberty. 

Jefferson  also  emphasized  again  the  duty  of  maintaining  "  that 
state  of  property,  equal  or  unequal,  which  results  to  every  man  from 
his  own  industry."  What  a  lesson  of  admonition  is  there  against  the 
fads  of  communism  ! 

Equality  of  rights  and  burthens  and  duties  was  ever  his  theme. 
The  Democratic  party  has  no  reason  for  existence  if  it  does  not 
always  and  unitedly  strive  for  such  equality  of  which  the  essence  is 


18 


freedom  from  restraints  and  burdens  unequal  because  not  imposed 
on  every  one  under  like  conditions.  The  Democratic  rule  fearlessly 
applied  in  each  State  may  solve  the  present  problem  of  trusts  and 
spoliation  by  unjustified  taxation. 

We  all  agree  that  the  Democratic  party  should  have  for  its 
cornerstone  the  doctrines  indicated  by  Jefferson.  One  was  "The 
supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military  authority  ;  "  but  that  does 
not  require  a  National  Democratic  Convention  to  prescribe  to  Con- 
gress the  details  of  the  organization  of  a  standing  army.  Another  was 
"  Honest  friendship  with  all  nations,  entangling  alliances  with  none  ;" 
but  that  would  not  justify  a  National  Democratic  Convention  in 
dictating  to  a  Democratic  President  the  details  of  his  diplomacy  to 
preserve  such  friendship  and  avoid  such  alliances.  A  third  was 
"Honest  payment  of  our  debts,  sacred  preservation  of  the  public 
faith,  encouragement  of  agriculture  and  commerce  ;  "  but  that  does 
not  compel  a  Democratic  National  Convention  to  endeavor  to  prevent 
Democrats  in  any  Congressional  District  from  expressing  their  pre- 
ference regarding  the  details  which  will  best  enforce  the  doctrine. 

We  should  take  into  account  the  exceptional  popularity  of  that 
policy  among  the  voters  who,  at  Jefferson's  second  election,  gave 
him  15  out  of  17  of  the  States,  and  all  excepting  14  of  the  170  elec- 
tors. When  he  had  insisted  upon  retirement  to  private  life  at  the 
close  of  his  second  term,  the  voters  elected  as  his  successor  Madison, 
his  Secretary  of  State,  by  12  out  of  17  of  the  States  and  122  out  of  the 
176  electors.  There  are  some  who  would  have  had  Jefferson  urge 
upon  a  people,  largely  agricultural,  the  building  of  a  large  navy,  the 
creation  of  great  standing  army  and  a  huge  national  debt,  and  that 
in  his  second  term  he  should  have  plunged  the  country  into  war  with 
England,  or  France,  instead  of  trying  embargo  and  non-intercourse  ; 
yet  can  we  wonder  that  he  chose  a  policy  preferred  by  the  voters 
because  of  their  desire  to  cultivate  peace  ? 

There  was  a  glory  reserved  for  him  which  no  other  President 
has  had.  For  more  than  thirty  years  the  Executive  Department  at 
Washington  was.  with  the  exception  of  four  years  under  John  Quiricy 
Adams,  held  by  the  Democratic  followers  of  Jefferson. 


19 


It  will  be  said  that  Jefferson  was  a  man  of  peace.  So  was  the 
Democracy  he  founded,  a  party  of  peace  excepting  when  war  becomes 
necessary,  as  it  did  a  year  ago.  Then  Democrats  in  Congress  and  in 
the  field  upheld  the  flag  of  our  country  with  their  votes  and  with 
their  lives. 

Peace,  small  expenditures  and  low  taxation  were  no  doubt  a 
passion  with  Jefferson  ;  but  his  diplomatic  notes  as  Secretary  of  State, 
displaying  the  sword  as  a  reluctant  agent  of  peace,  are  a  proud  pos- 
session of  his  country  because  they  brought  out  of  darkness  the  rain- 
bow of  hope.  The  hope  of  the  country  to-day  is  in  the  party  whose 
fundamental  principles  were  established  under  the  wise  and  conserva- 
tive guidance  of  Jefferson. 


20 


PRESIDENT  BELMOKT — Many  years  ago  the  present  President  of 
the  Democratic  Club  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  in  the  old  Club 
House  in  Twenty-fourth  Street,  a  gentleman  whose  brother  at  that 
time  was  the  President  of  the  Democratic  Club.  We  were  all  engaged 
in  the  campaign  so  successfully  led  by  Governor  Tilden  against  the 
canal  ring  of  that  day.  The  gentleman  to  whom  I  referred  to  is  here 
to-night.  A  few  months  ago  it  was  he  who,  as  a  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor, led  the  Democracy  of  this  State  with  credit  to  himself  and  to 
his  party.  The  force  and  sincerity  with  which  he  stated  the  issues 
to  the  people  impressed  itself  upon  the  voters.  The  result  of  the 
election,  cutting  down  the  immense  Republican  majority  to  an  in- 
significant figure,  was  an  encouragement  to  Democrats  throughout 
the  country.  It  is  with  gratitude  that  his  fellow  Democrats  have 
assigned  the  toast  "Our  Country  and  its  Commerce"  to  the  HON. 
AUGUSTUS  VAN  WYCK. 

ADDRESS  OF  JUDGE  AUGUSTUS  VAN  WYCK. 
The  Democracy,  including  our  lady  friends  with  their  beauty 
and  charms  who  adorn  the  boxes  overhanging  the  auditorium  of  this 
magnificent  temple  dedicated  to  the  inspiring  cause  of  harmony,  I 
salute  you  one  and  all  in  the  name  of  our  political  apostle,  Thomas 
Jefferson. 

The  toast,  to  which  you  do  me  the  honor  of  inviting  me  to  speak, 
must  be  carefully  circumscribed,  since  the  directions  in  which  it 
points  are  innumerable.  Your  patience  and  my  voice  would  both 
alike  give  out  long  before  the  task  was  finished  if  I  should  venture 
to  discuss  with  anything  like  adequacy  even  a  very  few  of  the  more 
important  branches  of  American  Commerce.  It  has  come  to  pass,  as 
you  know,  that  our  country  is  now  the  greatest  centre  of  industry 
and  the  chief  producer  of  exports  on  the  globe.  The  evidences  of  our 
skill  and  enterprise  are  to  be  found  on  every  sea  and  in  the  remotest 
hamlets  of  every  civilized  and  half-civilized  land.  Our  steel  rails, 


21 

for  instance,  are  being  laid  in  British  India,  and  our  locomotives  are 
in  demand  in  Europe,  Asia  and  South  America  ;  more  than  two- 
thirds  of  the  old  world  is  clothed  with  our  cotton,  and  were  it  not  for 
the  abundance  of  our  soil,  combined  with  the  well  applied  labor  of 
our  husbandmen,  the  inhabitants  of  several  of  the  chief  nations 
would  suffer  for  the  lack  of  food.  In  the  villages  of  Arabia  the 
American  lamp  filled  with  American  oil  may  be  said  to  typify  the 
mental  light  which,  we  trust,  is  destined  to  reach  those  remote  nooks 
from  our  centres  of  Christian  culture  ;  our  reaping  machines  are 
finding  increasing  favor  among  the  farmers  of  Russia  ;  the  electric 
light,  as  developed  by  Edison,  sheds  a  cheerful  radiance  over  Cairo  and 
Jerusalem;  France  has  become  a  considerable  purchaser  of  American 
wines  ;  and  the  people  of  the  British  Isles  are  reading  newspapers 
printed  by  presses  of  American  invention  on  American  paper  and 
walk  about  their  daily  business  in  American  shoes.  Japan  is  buying 
American  built  ships  of  war ;  China  is  coming  to  terms  with  our 
men  of  enterprise  for  the  opening  up  of  some  of  her  too  long  dormant 
sources  of  wealth,  and  in  Australia  we  find  a  still  improving  market 
for  all  sorts  of  Yankee  notions. 

These  surface  facts  with  which  every  reader  of  the  daily  news- 
papers may  be  assumed  to  be  familiar,  suffice  to  show  how  very  wide 
and  complex  is  the  field  of  American  commerce  and  how  necessary 
it  must  be  for  after  dinner  speakers,  who  have  had  it  assigned  to 
them  as  a  subject,  to  remember  at  once  the  limitations  of  their  own 
knowledge  and  the  exhaustibility  of  their  hearers. 

That  a  country  shall  be  great  commercially  several  things  must 
co-exist  within  its  borders.  It  must  have  the  necessary  natural  re- 
sources ;  its  people  must  be  skillful  and  industrious,  enterprise  must 
be  fostered  by  just  laws  and  the  spur  of  free  competition,  and  finally 
as  the  very  corner-stone  of  the  whole  structure  the  sense  of  individual 
honor  must  be  sustained  in  full  life. 

Of  these  features  there  are  perhaps  only  two  not  plainly  in 
operation  in  the  whole  circle  of  our  industries  to-day.  Abundance 
of  our  natural  resources  there  is  no  room  to  doubt.  The  skill  and 
readiness  to  labor  of  our  people  are  not  less  evident.  The  plain 
American  has  never  been  surpassed  as  a  whole-hearted  believer  hi 


22 


the  gospel  of  honest  toil.  Nor  happily,  is  it  open  to  question  that 
our  merchants  exhibit  in  all  their  dealings  as  fine  a  sense  of  honor  as 
can  be  found  within  the  compass  of  the  globe. 

Commerce,  one  of  the  civilizers  of  the  world,  is  a  necessary 
element  in  the  preservation  of  the  prosperity  and  the  happiness  of 
our  country.  It  must  be  fostered  first  by  the  freest  competition  be- 
tween our  own  people  in  all  home  enterprises,  securing  for  them  un- 
trammeled  business  intercourse  and  enlarged  opportunities  for  indi- 
vidual advancement,  and  second,  by  the  freest  competition  between 
the  internal  freight  lines  from  and  to  the  seaboard,  securing  the 
lowest  practical  freight  rates  to  the  ocean  for  all  kinds  of  products. 

I  venture  to  affirm,  however,  that  something  remains  to  be 
desired  in  these  two  particulars.  I  mean  in  respect  to  just  laws  and 
ihe  spur  to  free  competition.  The  laws  are  not  just  which  burden 
the  many  to  the  end  that  favorities  may  grow  fat,  as  in  the  case 
under  our  so-called  protective  tariff  ;  and  when  monopolies  are  suf- 
fered to  lay  their  hands  on  the  throat  of  individual  enterprise,  the 
spur  of  free  competition  is  blunted  if  not  destroyed.  We  have  seen 
in  these  more  recent  days  a  disposition  envinced  in  certain  quarters 
to  dismiss  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  no  longer  applicable 
in  its  leading  principle  to  the  conditions  of  modern  society.  In 
putting  themselves  in  this  attitude  toward  the  basic  doctrines  of  the 
Republic,  the  supporters  of  a  tariff  for  the  enrichment  of  the  few  and 
trust  for  the  killing  of  equal  opportunity  are  not  open  to  a  charge 
of  inconsistency.  It  is  the  foulest  mockery  of  reason  to  profess  in  one 
breath  devotion  to  the  doctrine  of  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the 
law  of  the  land,  and  in  the  next  to  applaud  a  tariff  system  which 
squeezes  the  blood  out  of  the  average  man  for  the  fattening  of  select 
individuals  who  have  mastered  the  art  of  depraving  all  Federal  gov- 
ernment and  directing  a  new  feudalism  which  purposes  to  subdivide 
the  land  into  Plutocratic  Dukedoms. 

In  respect  to  these  matters,  citizens  who  think  as  the  founders  of 
the  republic  did,  take  their  stand  firmly  on  the  ground  that  equal 
before  the  law  means  equality  of  industrial  opportunity  in  so  far  as 
the  action  of  the  government  is  involved.  The  tariff  has  been  one 


23 

prolific  source  of  monopoly,  and  the  monstrous  misuse  of  the  fran- 
chise giving  power,  another.  Our  iron,  steel,  coal  and  sugar  trusts 
may  be  taken  as  examples  of  what  the  tariff  has  brought  to  pass, 
while  in  the  consolidation  of  our  railroads,  gas  companies,  electric 
light  companies  we  have  illustrations  of  what  has  been  and  is  being 
accomplished  under  the  legislative  power  to  bestow  valuable  public 
rights  upon  private  corporations.  Into  the  details  of  our  existing 
tariff  I  shall  not  enter  at  present  but  I  shall  challenge  any  of  its  sup- 
porters to  name  a  single  considerable  branch  of  industry  over  which 
its  so-called  protection  has  been  extended  which  is  not  now  controlled 
by  a  confederacy  of  conspirators  against  competition.  The  infant  in- 
dustries have  become  giants  who  have  taken  it  upon  themselves  to 
rule  for  their  own  ends  the  nation  which  nourished  them  under  the 
impression  that  when  matured  they  would  be  the  best  of  servants  and 
the  very  pillars  of  economic  liberty.  That  the  Democratic  party 
must  address  itself  to  the  correction  of  these  far  reaching  evils  if  it  is 
to  hold  the  allegiance  of  the  Democratic  masses  is  not  doubtful.  The 
cause  of  tariff  reform  was  never  more  urgent  than  it  is  to-day,  and 
never  before  was  it  less  disputable  than  at  this  hour  that  no  real  relief 
can  be  looked  for  at  the  hands  of  the  Republican  party. 

Concerning  trusts  in  general  I  find  some  information  in  a  recent 
number  of  the  Journal  of  Commerce  of  this  city  that  seems  to  me  to 
be  worthy  of  the  widest  publicity.  After  showing  that  the  number 
of  these  great  combinations  had  increased  in  the  past  twelve  months 
from  200  to  353,  the  writer  of  the  article  proceeds  as  follows  : 

"  It  will  be  seen  that,  at  the  end  of  February,  these  353  combina- 
tions had  issued  a  total  of  $5,118.500,000  of  capital  stock  and  $714,- 
389,000  of  bond  obligations.  These  figures  show  an  increase  over 
those  we  published  a  year  ago  of  76  per  cent,  in  the  number  of  insti- 
tutions and  60  per  cent,  in  the  combined  stock  and  bonded  debt, 
which  indicates  the  extraordinary  rapidity  with  which  the  movement 
has  spread  within  the  last  twelve  months.  What  proportion  of  the 
entire  manufactures  of  the  United  States  has  passed  in  this  new  form 
of  organization  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  the  census  of  1890 
values  the  entire  capital  then  employed  in  the  manufacturing  and 
mechanical  industries  at  $6,525,000,000,  which  includes  all  the  minor 


24 


or  retail  work  done  by  small  individual  proprietors.  This  means  that 
the  total  capitalization  of  these  combinations  is  equal  to  90  per  cent, 
of  the  entire  manufacturing  investment  of  1890." 

And  to  the  people  who  have  not  followed  the  record  from  month 
to  month,  and  practically  from  day  to  day,  of  the  industrial  evolu- 
tion here  indicated,  it  may  well  seem  incredible  that  a  change  so 
fraught  with  menace  to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  and  the  preserva- 
tion of  our  liberties  and  to  the  dignity  of  American  labor,  has  been 
accomplished.  Not  only  is  it,  as  the  writer  further,  whom  I  have 
just  quoted,  says,  a  reversal  of  all  that  economists  have  expected  as 
fundamental  axioms  of  trade  but  it  strikes,  as  with  the  dagger  of  an 
assassin,  at  the  very  heart  of  that  individual  enterprise,  which,  next 
to  love  of  liberty  for  its  own  sake,  is  the  energizing  force  of  American 
institutions. 

If  the  process  of  consolidating  under  the  control  of  a  single 
individual,  natural  or  artificial,  of  the  various  branches  of  the  busi- 
ness of  a  kindred  nature  continues  in  the  same  ratio  as  here  indicated, 
it  will  be  but  a  short  time  when  five  or  six  hundred  corporate  entities 
will  control  the  entire  manufacturing  and  mechanical  industries  of 
this  country,  in  number  many  times  fewer  than  those  engaged  in 
similar  business  on  their  own  account  when  this  country  had  a 
population  of  about  three  and  one-half  millions  and  was  struggling 
against  the  mother  country  for  political,  commercial,  and  business 
independence.  Such  a  condition  might  well  suggest  some  sense  of 
alarm  to  the  thoughtful  patriot  when  it  is  considered  that  substanti- 
ally seventy  millions  of  people  will  be  excluded  from  participation 
upon  their  own  account  in  these  branches  of  industry  and  are  con- 
verted into  a  mass  of  employees  without  the  inspiring  hope  of  better- 
ing their  condition  by  mental  and  physical  alertness.  What  individual 
not  belonging  to  the  class  of  multi-millionaires  to-day  would  dare  to 
engage  on  his  own  account  in  the  establishment  of  a  tobacco  factory, 
or  a  baking  powder  company,  or  an  oil  refinery,  for  how  well  he 
would  know  that  it  would  only  require  a  moment's  attention  directed 
against  him  on  the  part  of  the  trust  in  charge  of  the  line  of  business 
thus  invaded  by  him  to  crush  the  very  life  out  of  his  enterprise. 


25 


Deprive  the  young  men  from  21  to  40  years  of  age  of  the  oppor- 
tunity of  indulging  in  the  reasonable  hope  that  by  due  diligence  they 
may  attain  individual  advancement  by  going  into  some  line  of  busi- 
ness on  their  own  account,  and  you  will  destroy  the  esprit  de  corps 
of  the  people  of  this  country  so  essential  to  its  continued  progress, 
and  in  time  paralysis  will  set  in  as  it  has  done  heretofore  in  the  re- 
publics of  the  past,  and  it  will  be  first  felt  by  the  impoverishment  of 
labor  and  those  of  moderate  circumstances,  in  the  end  destroying  the 
forced  customers  of  these  giant  trusts,  resulting  incidentally  in 
strangling  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  a  great  people. 

When  we  are  invited,  gentlemen,  to  find  reasons  for  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  the  Democratic  party,  we  can,  I  am  persuaded, 
accommodate  the  inquirer  out  of  the  easily  verified  body  of  facts  here 
called  attention  to.  I  do  not  go  so  far  as  to  say  that  there  are  no 
other  questions  of  large  significance  to  which  the  Democratic  party 
in  the  national  field  ought  to  give  its  best  thought.  There  are  other 
questions  ;  but  if  there  be  not  in  these  (of  the  tariff  and  of  the  trusts, 
with  their  death  to  free  competition  and  individual  enterprise)  ground 
enough  for  successful  appeal  to  an  enlightened  people,  political  ex- 
perience in  the  United  States  is  much  at  fault. 

There  is  another  subject  upon  which  I  will  venture  to  say  a  very 
few  words,  though  it  is  sure  to  engage  the  constantly  widening  atten- 
tion from  the  merchants  of  the  State  of  New  York.  I  refer  to  the 
problem  of  our  State  Canals.  In  doing  this  I  dismiss  wholly  from 
my  thought  all  partisan  consideration.  If  the  City  and  State  of  New 
York  are  together  to  maintain  their  ascendancy  in  the  commerce  of 
the  country  the  canals  must  be  improved  beyond  any  limit  yet 
officially  proposed.  Canada  is  at  work  deepening  her  canals  with  a 
view  to  having  at  least  fifteen  feet  of  water  from  Lake  Michigan  to 
Montreal,  and  thereby  enabling  the  lake  steamer  loaded  at  the  heart 
of  the  continent  to  land  her  cargo  without  breaking  bulk  at  Montreal, 
ready  for  distribution  from  there  upon  the  ocean  steamer  to  the  rest 
of  the  world.  When  we  shall  have  completed  (if  ever)  the  improve- 
ments now  in  progress  on  the  Erie  Canal,  connecting  New  York 
City,  by  way  of  the  Hudson  River,  with  Lake  Erie  and  beyond  that 
with  the  whole  chain  of  the  great  lakes,  we  shall  have  a  depth  of  just 


26 


seven  feet.  What  I  invite  our  merchants  to  consider  is  whether  as 
men  of  enterprise  they  think  it  safe  to  leave  the  State  and  metropolis 
at  so  manifest  a  disadvantage.  That  the  railroads  cannot  be  depended 
upon  to  make  good  to  our  port  and  its  auxiliaries  what  the  canals 
lose  has  been  proved  in  the  most  unmistakable  form.  The  statistics 
of  the  port  prove  that  we  are  not  holding  our  own  with  Canada  in 
the  matter  of  lake  traffic  despite  anything  that  the  railroads  may 
have  don6,  and  similarly  we  find  in  the  matter  of  railroad  transporta- 
tion, we  are  for  some  purposes  less  happily  situated  than  several 
ports  to  the  southward,  I  learn  with  pleasure  of  a  conference  which 
is  to  be  held  before  many  weeks  under  auspices  of  our  Board  of 
Trade  and  Transportation,  and  most  earnestly  hope  that  the  conferees 
will  not  adjourn  without  having  taken  some  steps  towards  securing 
for  the  State  facilities  of  access  to  her  vast  inland  trade  equal  at  least 
to  those  soon  to  be  at  the  service  of  our  Canadian  competitors. 

Permit  me  also  in  this  relation  to  express  the  belief  that  the 
course  long  pursued  by  the  chief  railroad  interests  of  the  State  has 
been  short-sighted.  The  assumption  has  been  that  to  kill  the  canals 
would  be  a  stroke  of  excellent  business  for  the  railroads.  Because 
of  this,  every  vicious  political  force  disposed  to  prey  upon  the  canals 
has  been  encouraged  by  the  railroads  and  every  effort  to  improve 
them  ppposed.  A  large  view  of  the  subject  ought  not  to  be  impos- 
sible. The  railroads  cannot  do  for  the  State  the  work  of  efficient 
canals,  with  a  depth  perhaps  of  fifteen  feet,  and  it  is  manifest  that 
the  general  prosperity  of  the  State  cannot  be  impaired  without  detri- 
ment in  the  long  run  to  the  chief  railroad  properties.  In  any  event 
this  is  plainly  a  matter  of  much  concern  to  all  the  cities  and  towns 
along  the  main  lines  of  the  canals  as  well  as  to  the  cities  of  New  York 
and  Buffalo  at  the  two  extremities,  and  it  does  not  seem  to  me  to  be 
out  of  place  as  a  subject  of  discussion  when  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States  as  a  whole  is  under  consideration. 

NO  ALLIANCE   WITH   GREAT   BRITAIN. 

This  pressure  of  English  competition  along  the  entire  Northern 
boundary  of  our  country  at  the  very  time  when  it  has  become  so 
fashionable  for  a  certain  class  of  political  leaders  and  after-dinner 
speakers  to  thoughtlessly  advocate  a  political  and  commercial  alliance, 


27 


offensive  and  defensive,  between  these  two  countries,  it  will  not  be 
deemed  amiss  to  caution  our  people  against  hasty  action.  Let  us  be 
influenced  by  the  natural  as  well  as  the  fixed  policy  of  that  nation 
towards  us  for  a  century  and  a  half,  rather  than  by  their  profuse  ex- 
pressions of  friendship  during  the  Spanish  war.  In  1741  Admiral 
Vernon  commanded  the  English  expedition  against  Cartagena  on  the 
Northern  coast  of  South  America,  then  a  flourishing  Spanish  posses- 
sion. His  forces  included  thirty-six  companies  of  American  troops 
from  the  thirteen  colonies  ;  among  them  were  some  of  the  Washing- 
ton family,  who  afterwards  gave  his  name  to  their  place  on  the 
Potomac,  and  also  Smollett  who  described  the  incidents  of  the  disas- 
trous attempt  in  his  "  Roderick  Random."  The  defeated  forces  ren- 
dezvoused at  Jamaica  in  the  West  Indies  and  from  there  Admiral 
Vernon  cold  bloodedly  wrote  to  his  home  government  that  he  would 
disband  and  settle  the  battalions  from  the  thirteen  colonies  in  East 
Cuba  rather  than  restore  them  to  their  home  where  they  "would 
wish  to  establish  manufactures,  which  would  injure  those  at  home  " 
(in  England).  From  then  to  now  her  policy  has  been  one  of  sharp 
rivalry  and  competition  with  America  ;  it  impelled  the  revolution  of 
1776,  fought  for  business  as  well  as  political  independence  ;  brought 
on  the  war  of  1812  waged  against  the  insolent  claim  of  England  for 
the  right  to  search  our  ships  of  commerce  while  riding  the  highways 
of  the  ocean  ;  caused  her  to  contest  every  inch  of  our  Northern 
boundary  line  from  ocean  to  ocean  ;  made  her  encourage  our  family 
troubles  in  1860  to  1865,  for  which  she  was  compelled  to  pay  us 
millions  and  admit  her  wrong  ;  and  actuated  her,  in  violation  of  the 
Monroe  doctrine,  to  attempt  an  unwarrantable  encroachment  upon 
the  territory  of  Venezuela,  until  ordered  by  the  American  govern- 
ment to  halt,  notwithstanding  that  our  new  ambassador  at  the  Court 
of  St.  James  seemed  to  think  that  his  first  duty  was  to  apologize  to 
the  English  people  therefor  ;  and  she  has  paralleled  our  inland  water- 
ways and  railroads  from  ocean  to  ocean,  separating  us  from  our 
Alaskan  possessions.  She  is  now  and  will  ever  be  our  principal  com- 
petitor in  the  commerce  of  the  world.  Under  such  circumstances  it 
would  be  her  greatest  boast  in  diplomacy  to  engender  the  animosity 
of  the  other  nations  of  the  world  toward  us  by  such  an  alliance.  For 
then  in  case  the  emergency  should  ever  arise  that  our  country  should 


28 

feel  it  necessary  to  command  her  to  halt  again  in  any  of  her  future 
aggressions  and  she  should  refuse,  the  United  States  would  find  her- 
self without  a  friend  in  the  sisterhood  of  nations.  A  lively 
appreciation  of  the  true  bearings  of  both  nations  will  be  the  surest 
guarantee  of  lasting  friendship  and  peace  between  them.  Let  the 
good  old  American  international  policy  of  each  nation  attending  to 
its  own  business  in  the  spirit  of  fair  play  to  the  others  assert  itself 
and  let  these  knee-benders  to  all  that  is  English  remember  the  advice 
of  the  matchless  Washington  given  in  his  farewell  address,  in 
which  he  says :  "  The  greatest  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard 
to  foreign  nations,  is,  in  extending  our  commercial  relations  to 
have  with  them  as  little  political  connection  as  possible."  "  It  is  our 
true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  permanent  alliances  with  any  portion  of 
the  foreign  world."  From  that  moment  the  spirit  of  "peace, 
commerce  and  honest  friendship  with  all  nations,  entangling 
alliances  with  none"  proclaimed  by  Jefferson,  has  echoed  and 
re-echoed  down  the  corridors  of  time.  Let  the  lovers  of  peace  and 
friendship  in  both  countries  familiarize  themselves  with  that  part  of 
Washington's  address  relating  to  foreign  relations  and  it  will 
promote  good  will  between  these  two  nations. 

Suffer  me  in  bringing  these  remarks  to  a  close  to  indulge  the 
hope  that  the  Democratic  party  will  act  in  its  national  councils  with 
a  lively  recollection  of  what  is  due  to  the  commercial  interests  of  our 
country  that,  the  resources  of  our  soil  may  be  brought  more  anil 
more  under  the  command  of  our  people,  that  labor  in  every  depart- 
ment may  have  an  increasing  and  not  a  lessening  reward,  that  our 
merchant  flag  may  be  restored  with  honor  not  less  illustrious  than 
that  which  accompanies  the  standard  of  our  fighting  ships,  that  the 
inventive  genius  of  the  land  shall  be  prolific  of  good  to  the  millions 
and  not  merely  to  the  millionaire,  that  the  typical  American,  full  of 
self  reliance  and  scorning  all  govermental  paternalism,  shall  assert 
himself,  that  the  credit  of  the  nation  shall  be  untarnished,  and,  as  in 
the  past,  liberty  and  property  shall  be  alike  secure.  It  is  indispens- 
able that  the  commerce  of  our  country  be  rooted,  as  it  was,  in 
justice,  fanned  by  the  winds  of  liberty,  kept  purged  clean  from 
the  parasites  of  monopoly  and  watered  continually  by  the  sweat  of 
free  individual  enterprise  and  competition.  I  care  not  by  which 


29 


party  the  evils  that  I  have  suggested  shall  be  remedied  or  prevented, 
I  prefer  that  the  party  in  power  shall  do  so,  because  it  would  hasten 
the  remedy  for  these  growing  evils  and  an  ounce  of  preventative  is 
worth  a  pound  of  cure,  but  if  the  party  in  power  fails  to  answer  the 
call  of  the  people  in  these  respects,  it  will  be  but  a  little  while  when 
they  will  be  replaced  by  the  party  whose  history  discloses  that  they 
have  always  been  in  nearer  sympathy  and  touch  with  the  struggling 
masses. 

A  word  to  the  Democracy  and  I  have  finished.  Let  not  the 
mere  selfish  thought  of  probable  or  possible  party  success  absorb 
your  time  and  thought,  instead  of  the  desire  to  prevent  evils  that 
may  threaten  our  country.  Remember  the  grand  mission  under  a 
representative  form  of  government  of  the  party  in  opposition  is  a 
noble  and  lofty  one.  The  organized  exercise  of  an  intelligent  and 
eternal  vigilance,  the  price  not  only  of  liberty,  but  good  government. 
Let  this  function  be  performed  impassionately  and  faithfully  for  the 
purpose  of  watching  over  the  acts  of  ommission  or  commission  of  the 
party  in  power.  If  the  evils  become  dangerous  and  oppressive  such 
as  the  habitual  violation  of  the  principle  of  home  rule  by  the  national 
or  state  government ;  fostering  of  trusts  by  the  sale  to  them  of  the 
tariff  taxing  power  or  the  relief  of  their  franchise  values  from  fair 
contribution  to  the  support  of  government ;  the  destruction  or 
impairment  of  our  waterways  at  the  instance  of  railroads ;  the 
extravagant  or  corrupt  waste  of  public  funds  ;  or  incompetency  and 
radicalism,  then  the  demand  for  change  will  be  so  imperative  that 
unity  will  reign  supreme  among  the  rank  and  file  of  our  party. 


30 


PRESIDENT  BELMONT. — I  now  have  the  honor  of  calling  upon  a 
gentleman  who  at  one  time  led  the  Democrats  in  the  Assembly.  He 
then  proved  himself  a  faithful  follower  of  the  greatest  of  our  leaders 
and  statesmen,  and  no  one  better  than  the  HON.  JOHN  B.  STANCHFIELD 
can  respond  to  the  toast  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 

ADDRESS  OF  HON.  JOHN  B.  STANCHFIELD. 

As  one  glances  around  this  room,  one  is  prompted  to  say  in  the 
last  words  of  John  Adams  "  Thomas  Jefferson  still  survives."  The 
spirit  of  the  Great  Commoner  is  abroad  in  the  land,  and  a  grateful 
nation  pays  its  tribute  to-night.  That  we  may  have  a  clear  and 
lucid  understanding  of  the  immense  influence  exercised  by  Jefferson, 
not  only  in  his  own  day,  but  upon  all  subsequent  times,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  define  his  environment. 

Neither  Washington,  Jefferson  nor  Madison  were  of  Virginia's 
elect,  nor  did  they  come  from  the  landed  aristocracy .  Jefferson 
came  upon  the  stage  of  active  affairs  at  a  time  when  Virginia  was 
under  the  domination  of  a  roistering,  gambling,  holdeuish  aristoc- 
racy. The  law  of  entail,  the  right  of  the  first  born  to  inherit,  and 
the  established  church  confronted  him.  Charmed  with  the  burning 
oratory  of  Henry,  whose  contention  that  taxation  without  represen- 
tation was  tyranny,  appealed  to  younger  generation  of  Virginians, 
Jefferson  cast  aside  his  profession  of  the  law,  and  with  the  announced 
determination  that  he  would  never  accept  emolument  or  compensa- 
tion other  than  the  salary  given  him,  entered  upon  a  political  career. 

In  his  public  life  of  upwards  of  forty  years,  covering  the  entire 
range  of  preferment  from  the  humblest  to  the  highest,  two  things 
stand  out  with  great  prominence  ;  he  never  made  a  speech,  he  never 
waged  a  war.  He  left  the  presidency  at  the  end  of  his  second  term 
with  the  admiration  and  affectionate  regard  of  seven  millions  of 
people.  The  free  school,  the  free  church  and  our  free  government, 
to  his  untiring  zeal  and  industry  are  largely  owing.  If  we  were  to 


31 


speak  to  Jefferson's  own  conception  of  what  had  been  the  accom- 
plished results  of  his  life's  work  the  inscription  found  among  his 
belongings  as  to  what  he  wished  placed  upon  his  tomb  concisely  tells 
the  tale  :  "  Here  was  buried  Thomas  Jefferson,  author  of  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence  of  the  statutes  of  Virginia 
for  religious  freedom  and  founder  of  the  University  of  Virginia." 
His  residence  in  France  about  the  time  of  the  oncoming  of  the  French 
revolution,  sowed  the  seed  of  liberty  deep  in  his  heart,  and  from  that 
human  cataclysm  he  imbibed  principles  that  remained  with  him  to 
the  hour  of  his  death.  It  required  civic  courage  and  personal  valor 
of  no  mean  degree  to  introduce  and  force  upon  the  classes  of  Virginia 
the  abolition  of  the  law  of  entail  and  the  right  of  primogeniture.  For 
this  purpose  he  declined  a  re-election  to  the  House  of  Congress,  and 
devoted  to  it  in  accomplishing  its  passage  an  ability  and  an  industry 
that  earned  for  him  during  the  remainder  of  his  career  the  hatred  of 
the  aristocratic  classes  of  Virginia,  and  the  rancor  of  these  proud 
patricians  followed  him  in  all  his  future  career. 

His  clear  and  perspicuous  eye  saw  that  the  transmissioji  of  vast 
estates  from  one  generation  to  another,  with  an  established  church 
curbing  and  curtailing  the  religious  opinions  of  the  people  was  at  war 
with  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  theory  upon  which  our 
government  was  built. 

' '  All  men  shall  be  free  to  profess  and  by  argument  to  maintain 
their  opinions  in  matters  of  religion  "  is  the  key  note  of  his  draft  of 
the  act  in  behalf  of  religious  liberty.  Before  the  spark  of  revolution 
had  been  kindled,  in  a  memorial  address  to  George  the  Third,  it  was 
Jefferson  who  wrote  the  lines  : 

"  Let  those  natter  who  fear,  it  is  not  an  American  art.  *  *  * 
The  God  who  gave  us  life  gave  us  liberty  at  the  same  time  ;  the 
hand  of  force  may  destroy  but  cannot  disjoin  them." 

So  far  did  Jefferson's  belief  in  self-government  carry  him,  that 
although  a  slave  owner  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived,  we  find  him  writing  in  1821  of  the  negro  "nothing 
is  more  certainly  written  in  the  book  of  Fate  than  that  these  people 
are  to  be  free." 


32 


While  the  battle  was  waging  in  the  house  of  burgesses  against 
the  right  of  the  first  born  male  to  inherit,  his  opponents  under  the 
leadership  of  one  Pendleton,  pleaded  that  the  eldest  son  might  at 
least  take  a  double  share  :  "  Not"  was  Jefferson's  retort  "  until  he 
can  eat  a  double  allowance  of  food  and  do  a  double  allowance  of 
work."  "  My  purpose,"  says  Jefferson  afterwards  was  "  instead  of 
an  aristocracy  of  wealth  to  make  an  opening  for  an  aristocracy  of 
virtue  and  talent." 

With  Jefferson's  induction  into  national  politics  commences 
the  battle  between  those  who  favored  a  strong  centralized  govern- 
ment, called  in  those  days  the  Federalists,  and  those  who  believed  in 
the  ultimate  rule  of  the  people  and  the  greatest  amount  of  liberty  to 
the  citizen  possible,  termed  Republicans.  Of  the  latter  Jefferson  was 
soon  the  acknowledged  head.  Despite  the  many  contradictory  and 
apparently  inconsistent  phrases  and  sentences  that  his  detractors  may 
cull  out  from  his  voluminous  correspondence,  covering  one  half  a 
century,  the  enduring  fact  remains  that  the  never  changing  ambition 
of  his  life  was  devoted  to  securing  in  largest  degree  the  right  of  per- 
sonal liberty.  In  Hamilton's  determined  effort  to  make  a  federal 
power  supreme  by  the  maintenance  of  an  excessively  large  standing 
army,  the  annulment  of  state  rights,  the  creation  of  a  United  States 
bank,  and  the  establishment  of  a  federal  judiciary  with  unlimited 
powers.  Jefferson  saw  the  end  of  the  republic,  and  the  aggressive 
approach  of  a  monarchy.  This  controversy  so  defined  and  begun, 
terminated  neither  with  the  death  of  Hamilton,  nor  Jefferson  at 
Monticello.  Dressed  in  different  attire,  it  is  the  vital  issue  of  the 
present  day. 

Jefferson  favored  a  separation  from  England  for  the  ultimate 
reason  of  permitting  the  people  self-government.  He  favored,  passed, 
fought  for  and  enforced  the  right  of  the  free  school  and  the  free 
church,  the  abolition  of  a  United  States  bank,  and  the  creation  of  an 
army  and  navy,  no  larger  than  was  necessary  for  purposes  of  defense, 
because  he  believed  the  people  so  willed,  and  that  these  principles 
harmonized  with  the  largest  share  of  personal  freedom  in  the 
individual. 


With  the  election  of  Jefferson  in  his  controversy  with  Burr,  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  the  Republicans,  or  anti-federalists  won 
their  first  victory.  Then,  as  now,  New  York  was  the  central  battle- 
ground, and  party  spirit  ran  high  and  strong.  A  poet  of  the  day 
in  amusing  doggerel  voiced  the  victory  of  the  anti-federalist  in 
characteristic  speech  : 

"  The  Federalists  are  down  at  last, 
The  monarchists  completely  cast ; 
The  autocrats  are  stripped  of  power, 
.   Storms  o'er  British  factions  lower. 
Soon  we  Republicans  shall  see 
Columbia's  sons  from  bondage  free. 
Lord,  how  the  Federalists  will  stare 
At  Jefferson  in  Adams'  chair.'' 

Hence  came  the  Democrats,  and  we  who  believe  in  the  princi- 
ples that  earned  that  victory  have  never  known  another  name.  In 
striking  analogy  to  the  situation  with  which  we  are  confronted  to- 
day was  Jefferson  circumstanced  at  the  time  of  the  Louisiana  pur- 
chase. The  federalists  of  his  time  contended  with  bitter  animosity 
that  sufficient  unto  the  then  population  of  the  United  States  was  the 
Union  as  it  then  existed.  Undeterred  by  the  clamor  of  the  minority, 
Jefferson  consummated  the  purchase  of  so  much  landed  territory  as 
more  than  double  our  territorial  extent.  When  the  question  of  the 
ratification  of  the  purchase  came  before  Congress  and  was  up  for 
debate,  the  federalists  made  use  of  the  contention  that  the  acquire- 
ment of  additional  territory  was  a  violation  of  the  Constitution,  both 
in  its  letter  and  in  its  spirit.  To  this  we  find  Jefferson  writing  to  his 
attorney  general,  in  1803:  "I  quote  this  for  your  consideration, 
observing  that  the  least  there  is  said  about  any  constitutional  difficulty, 
the  better  ;  and  that  it  will  be  desirable  for  Congress  to  do  what  is 
necessary  in  silence.  I  find  but  one  opinion  as  to  the  necessity  of 
shutting  up  the  Constitution  for  some  time." 

Jefferson  was  inclined  by  the  arbitrary  use  of  his  majority  in 
Congress  to  smother  any  objections  that  might  be  raised  in  theory  or 
in  letter,  to  the  ratification  of  his  purchase.  He  relied  upon  the 
strong  underlying  sentiment  of  the  people  to  uphold  his  act  as  being 
for  their  good,  and  the  ultimate  advancement  of  the  nation.  While 


34 


Congress  was  in  session,  we  find  him  writing  :  "  Whatever  Congress 
shall  think  it  necessary  to  do  should  be  done  with  as  little  debate  as 
possible,  and  particularly  as  respects  the  constitutional  question." 

Jefferson's  earlier  notions  that  the  States  constituted  a  small 
league,  had  changed,  and  with  increasing  wealth,  population  and 
power,  he  favored  increased  territorial  aggrandizement.  As  John 
Quincy  Adams  wrote  our  minister  at  Madrid,  in  1823,  in  reference  to 
Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  :  "Those  islands,  from  their  local  position, 
are  naturally  appendages  to  the  North  American  continent ;  and  one 
of  them,  Cuba,  which  is  almost  in  sight  of  our  shores,  from  a  multi- 
tude of  considerations,  has  become  an  object  of  transcendent  impor- 
tance to  the  commercial  and  political  interests  to  our  Union. 
It  is  scarcely  possible  to  resist  the  conviction  that  the  annexation  of 
Cuba  to  our  republic  will  be  indispensable  to  the  continuance  and 
integrity  of  the  Union  itself." 

So,  Jefferson,  fourteen  years  earlier,  in  a  letter  to  Madison, 
speaking  of  Bonaparte,  said  :  "  But  although  with  difficulty  he  will 
consent  to  our  receiving  Cuba  into  our  Union  *  *  *  that  would  be 
a  price,  and  I  would  immediately  erect  a  column  on  the  southernmost 
limit  of  Cuba,  and  inscribe  on  it  '  ne  plus  ultra,'  as  to  us  in  that 
direction.  We  should  then  have  only  to  include  the  north  in  our 
confederacy,  which  would  be,  of  course,  in  the  first  war,  and  we 
should  have  such  an  empire  for  liberty  as  she  has  never  surveyed 
since  the  creation  ;  and  I  am  pursuaded  no  constitution  was  ever 
before  so  well  calculated  as  ours  for  extensive  empire  and  self- 
government." 

Jefferson  not  only  believed  in  the  destiny  of  the  republic,  but  he 
was  an  advocate  of  force,  where  diplomacy  would  not  accomplish 
the  desired  results.  While  as  chief  magistrate,  he  conducted  no  wars 
for  aggrandizement,  yet  his  correspondence  teems  with  references  to 
the  results  that  would  accrue  to  us  in  territorial  accessions  by  means 
of  war.  He  was  never  deceived  by  the  diplomatic  assurances  of  the 
powers  of  Europe,  nor  lulled  into  false  security  by  the  peaceful 
attitude  of  the  country  at  the  time  of  his  presidential  incumbency 
He  believed  iu  the  proposition  that  the  way  to  secure  peace  is  to  be 


35 


prepared  for  war.  The  autocrat  of  the  Russias  since  the  promulga- 
tion of  his  memorable  proclamation  in  favor  of  a  general  disarma- 
ment of  the  nations,  has  quietly  purchased  in  the  ship  yards  of  the 
world  strong  and  many  additional  battleships. 

The  great  laureate  of  the  English-speaking  peoples,  nursed  back 
to  health  in  the  salubrious  air  of  New  York,  correctly  read  the  signs 
of  the  times  when  he  sang — 

"  When  he  shows  as  seeking  quarter,  with  paws-like  hands  in  prayer — 
That  is  the  time  of  peril— the  time  of  the  truce  of  the  bear." 

It  has  come  to  be  a  fad  with  those  who  oppose  enlarging  our 
boundaries,  to  assert  that  territorial  acquirement  is  hostile  to  the  spirit 
of  Washington's  farewell  address,  and  the  teachings  of  Jefferson. 
To  this  contention  a  moment  will  suffice.  It  may  safely  be  urged  as 
sound  doctrine,  that  no  man,  be  he  ever  so  eminent,  advising  the 
affairs  of  a  nation  of  seven  millions,  can  speak  with  certainty  as  to 
what  would  be  an  advantageous  line  of  policy  seventy-five  years 
later  for  a  people  of  seventy  millions.  A  standing  army  larger  than 
is  proportionate  to  the  ordinary  requirements  of  the  government,  is 
always  a  menace.  It  is  also  for  police  purposes  and  the  unexpected 
emergencies  of  government  a  necessity.  Against  this  contingent  evil 
and  the  inexpediency  of  foreign  political  alliances,  Washington 
chiefly  inveighs.  But  if  I  read  aright,  the  political  and  governmental 
teachings  of  Jefferson,  no  thought  can  be  traced  home  to  hismaturer 
years  that  did  not  reflect  his  hope  and  expectation  that  the  United 
States  would  become  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world. 

We  are  an  aggressive,  combative  people.  We  assert  the 
proposition  that  the  Anglo  Saxon  stock  are  by  their  industry  and 
indomnitable  perseverance  the  chosen  ones  to  sway  the  affairs  of 
men.  The  immortal  one  hundred  that  braved  the  terrors  of  the 
storm-tossed  Atlantic  in  the  name  of  liberty,  have  left  their  indelible 
imprint  upon  us.  While  the  pilgrim  fathers  adjured  high  heaven 
with  one  hand  that  they  came  here  that  they  might  worship  God 
according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  conscience,  with  the  other  they 
waged  relentless  and  ruthless  war  upon  the  red  man. 


36 


When  oldMassasoit,  with  his  painted  and  feathered  warriors  squat- 
ted iu  the  governor's  log  house  and  smoked  the  pipe  of  peace,  sturdy 
Standish  with  his  musketeers  stood  ready  to  slay  and  kill.  Having 
won  their  own  independence  and  established  a  religious  belief  con- 
formable to  the  nations,  they  purpose  to  tolerate  no  other.  The 
harmless  Quaker  paid  for  his  temerity  with  his  life.  Sprung  from 
their  loins  has  come  a  people  who  know  no  limitation  to  the  march  of 
trade.  The  fittest  shall  survive.  And  until  the  ports  of  the  world 
shall  recognize  our  flag  as  the  embodiment  and  incarnation  of  liberty 
and  power,  the  spirit  of  dominion  will  never  down.  Where  there 
are  people  to  buy,  there  we  insist  shall  the  American  wage-earner 
have  a  market  to  sell.  We  point  with  pride  to  the  fact  that  not  only 
our  shoes  compete  with  those  of  English  make  in  Piccadilly,  our 
locomotives  propel  the  peoples  of  the  Soudan,  but  our  navy  yards 
are  building  the  battleships  of  the  nations  of  the  old  world.  To 
maintain  wages  at  a  rate  that  will  enable  our  men  of  toil  to  out- 
strip the  nations  of  the  world,  is  not  only  Democratic  policy,  but 
Jeffersonian  doctrine. 

The  war  of  1812  was  fought  to  protect  our  vessels  upon  the  high 
seas  against  the  right  of  impressment  and  of  search.  In  it  our  little 
wooden  navy  won  the  proud  vestige  it  has  ever  since  sustained. 
Decatur  and  Lawrence  and  Perry  were  as  famous  in  the  days  of  1812 
as  Dewey,  Sampson  and  Schley  in  the  days  of  '98.  Monroe  gave  us 
Florida  by  purchase  in  days  of  peace,  and  the  Mexican  war,  waged 
in  the  40's,  acquired  for  us  our  far  western  territories,  including 
more  land  than  composed  the  United  States  at  the  close  of  the 
revolution. 

Such  to  the  close  of  the  administration  of  Polk  had  been  in 
policy  of  Democratic  administrations,  with  reference  to  territorial 
extension.  True  to  the  spirit,  transmitted  to  us  from  the  pilgrim 
fathers,  we  fought  the  battle  of  the  slave,  and  drenched  the  land  in 
fraternal  blood.  What  American  has  forgotten  how  his  pulse  thrilled 
with  pride  as  Byrant,  the  poet  of  peace  and  flowers  wrote  these 
inspiring  words — 


37 

•'  Lay  down  the  axe  ;  fling  by  the  spade 

Leave  in  its  track  the  toiling  plow  ; 
The  rifle  and  the  bayonet  blade 

For  arms  like  yours  were  fitter  now  ; 
And  let  the  hands  that  ply  the  pen 

Quit  the  lisht  task  and  learn  to  wield 
The  horseman's  crooked  brand  and  rein 

The  charger  on  the  battlefield." 

Jefferson's  prophecy  had  to  be  fulfilled  and  the  bondman  was 
made  free  !  The  war  with  Spain  begun  in  the  name  of  humanity, 
waged  to  redress  the  wrongs  of  centuries,  inflicted  upon  a  people  at 
the  doorway  of  our  southern  gulf,  has  resulted  in  the  glorious  tri- 
umph of  civilization.  To  the  legitimate  fruits  of  that  victory  we  are 
entitled  by  law  both  human  and  divine.  There  must  be  neither 
hesitation  nor  faltering  until  those  lands  that  are  of  right  a  part  of 
our  union  are  fastened  to  us  in  bands  of  enduring  brass.  Two  re- 
sults have  come  to  us  from  this  war.  First,  the  cruel  and  inhuman 
government  of  Spain  has  been  destroyed  upon'  this  hemisphere. 
Second,  the  last  vestige  of  sectional  prejudice  has  passed  away.  The 
man  of  the  north  with  his  brother  of  the  south  have  joined  in  the 
conflict,  and  together  have  won  the  victory.  In  a  century  our  his- 
tory has  been  one  of  growth  in  people,  wealth  and  territory.  Why 
tarry  we  here  ?  Is  not  the  duty  super-imposed  upon  us  to  protect 
the  weak  and  the  oppressed  in  any  land  or  clime !  Wherever  the 
torch  of  civilization  is  fired,  there  does  liberty  accompanied  by 
Christianity  blossom  and  flower. 

"  Thus  too  sail  on,  O  ship  of  state. 
Sail  on,  O  union  strong  and  great, 
Humanity  with  all  its  fears 
With  all  the  hope  of  future  years' 
Is  hanging  breathless  on  thy  fate  1" 

Would  that  we  could  invoke  the  spirit  of  Jefferson  in  our  hour 
of  need.  The  bruised  and  battered  doctrine  of  home  rule  needs  a 
new  champion  !  In  the  unwritten  future  the  teachings  of  his  life 
demonstrate  that  he  would  lay  down  for  us  as  the  slogan  of  battle  ! 


38 


Down  with  the  trusts  and  up  with  au  honest  and  fair  system  of  taxa 
tion  !  The  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number  is  the  ideal  of  gov- 
ernment toward  which  with  unclouded  vision  the  Democracy  must 
ever  trend  ! 

With  the  never  ending  roll  of  years  among  posterities  yet  un- 
born, shining  with  constantly  increased  radiance  and  brilliancy  the 
reputation  of  Jefferson  will  enhance  as  the  great  exponent  of  popular 
government,  and  the  honest  and  sincere  champion  of  the  rights  of 
the  common  people,  until  among  the  nations'  honored  dead  his  name 
and  memory  far  above  his  fellows,  will  forever  be  cherished  and 
revered  by  lovers  of  liberty,  and  friends  of  humanity. 


PRESIDENT  BELMONT. — A  true  Democrat,  the  Chairman  of  the 
last  Democratic  State  Convention  whose  eloquence  gave  impulse  to 
the  campaign  which  followed  will  respond  to  the  toast  "  Democracy," 
the  HON.  FREDERICK  C.  SCIIUATJB. 

ADDRESS  OF  HON.  FREDERICK  C.  SCHRAUB. 
MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — To  break  bread  with  this 
magnificent  assemblage  is  indeed  a  privilege,  but  to  speak  for  the  great 
Democratic  party  of  the  State  upon  this  occasion  is  an  honor  such  as 
might  fill  the  heart  of  any  lover  of  his  party  with  pride.  Like  a 
mighty  army  with  banners,  that  intrepid  host  to-day  awaits  the 
action  of  its  leaders  hoping  that  if  there  have  been  any  differences  in 
the  past  they  shall  be  forgotten  and  that  a  creed  so  broad  and  catholic 
shall  be  adopted,  that  all  who  have  at  heart  the  good  of  their  fellow- 
men  may  accept  it,  and  make  common  cause  against  the  enemies  of 
the  people  typified  by  republicanism,  in  the  contest  of  the  not  dis- 
tant future. 

The  idea  of  this  banquet  was  a  happy  inspiration  ;  to  meet  upon 
the  birthday  of  the  immortal  father  of  Democracy  in  this  citidel  of 
the  party,  democratic  from  the  foundation  of  the  government,  to 
take  sweet  counsel  together  and  to  plan  for  victory  is  indeed  a  worthy 
purpose. 

While  Democrats  may  have  differed  in  the  past  over  some  dis- 
puted matters  of  doctrine,  there  are  many  things  to  which  all  give 
willing  assent,  and  that  in  fact  are  the  vital  principles.  As  I  have 
discussed  the  various  courses  of  this  beautiful  repast,  there  comes  to 
me  as  the  first  thing  on  which  all  Democrats  can  agree  those  words 
of  Lord  Lytton  from  his  poem  "  Lucile  ": 

"  We  may  live  without  poetry,  music  and  art ; 
We  may  live  without  conscience,  and  live  without  heart ; 
We  may  live  without  friends ;  we  may  live  without  books  ; 
But  civilized  men  cannot  live  without  cooks, 


40 


He  may  live  without  books— what  is  knowledge  but  grieving  ? 
He  may  live  without  hope,— what  is  hope  but  deceiving  ? 
He  may  live  without  love,— what  is  passion  but  pining  ?. 
But  where  is  the  man  that  can  live  without  dining  ?  " 

So  it  is  to  me  a  most  heathf  ul  sign  in  the  body  politic  that  there 
is  such  a  tendency  among  the  democracy  of  all  shades  of  opinion  to 
hold  dinners.  May  they  be  multiplied  ;  as  in  this  way  by  a  fair 
comparison  of  views  the  right  way  is  apt  to  be  reached  as  man  is 
never  so  reasonable  as  on  a  full  stomach. 

I  think  the  next  thing  upon  which  all  will  agree  after  listening 
to  the  masterly  exposition  of  State  Issues,  by  our  late  candidate  for 
Governor,  and  after  the  spectacle  presented  by  the  Republican 
administration  at  Albany  during  the  past  winter,  is  that  the  people 
of  this  State  made  a  grievous  mistake  last  fall  when  they  voted 
against  our  candidates  ;  a  mistake  which  they  would  not  repeat  to" 
day,  was  the  issue  again  theirs  to  decide.  When  before  in  the  his- 
tory of  this  commonwealth  have  its  citizens  been  so  humiliated  by 
the  spectacle  of  the  Governor  of  the  State,  himself  a  professed  re- 
former, week  after  week,  coming  to  New  York  to  take  his  orders 
from  the  party  boss. 

What  has  become  of  the  ante-election  promises  of  the  Republi- 
can party,  that  the  despoilers  of  the  canals,  those  great  achievements 
of  democratic  statesmanship,  in  their  creation,  should  be  punished. 

Counsel  as  eminent  as  any  in  the  State  had  passed  upon  this 
matter  and  reported  that  prosecutions  would  lie  ;  but  unfortunately 
he  had  given  an  adverse  report  on  the  eligibility  of  the  now  Governor 
to  office,  in  view  of  his  sworn  statement  as  to  his  residence.  He 
declined  to  go  on  with  the  matter,  and  two  other  eminent  attorneys 
are  employed,  and  now  after  three  months,  the  only  report  they 
have  to  make  is  an  appeal  for  money  to  go  on  with  the  investigation, 
and  the  statement,  in  direct  opposition  to  Judge  Countryman's  con- 
clusion, that  they  find  nothing  to  warrant  criminal  prosecution,  and 
the  Governor  with  dramatic  effect  cries  out  that  if  the  State  won't 
pay  these  attorneys  he  will  furnish  the  money,  as  though  the  people 
of  the  State  of  New  York  had  ever  refused  money  for  any  legitimate 
purpose.  In  behalf  of  the  honest  democracy  of  the  State  I  desire  to 


41 


say  to  our  Republican  friends  that  if  they  are  short  of  funds  to 
carry  on  this  righteous  investigation  we  will  furnish  all  that  may  be 
required  that  the  ends  of  justice  may  be  carried  out. 

It  is  simply  a  sham  and  a  device  to  elude  the  issue  and  to  keep 
the  matter  stringing  along  until  the  statute  of  limitations  shall  let  all 
of  the  minor  offenders  off. 

For  the  purpose  of  diverting  the  attention  of  the  people  the  old 
device  of  investigating  the  City  of  New  York  is  resumed  and  you 
once  more  have  a  lot  of  countrymen  down  here  prying  into  your 
affairs.  They  come  as  the  Chinese  going  to  war — beating  tom-toms, 
burning  red  fire,  and  making  an  unearthly  noise,  but  the  people 
know  that  they  are  not  honest  and  that  it  is  from  no  honest  motive 
that  this  investigation  is  prosecuted.  They  do  not  forget  that  the 
present  executive  of  the  State  has  lately  been  a  Police  Commissioner 
of  this  city,  as  is  also  the  case  with  the  principal  counsel  of  the  com- 
mittee. If  these  gentlemen  found  anything  wrong  why  did  they  not 
rectify  it  ?  I  can  only  think  of  the  words  of  the  old  darky  camp- 
meeting  song  to  describe  them  : — 

"Hypocrites,  hypocrites,  hypocrites,  Oh,  my  Lord." 

This  is  not  the  first  republican  investigation  we  have  had.  With 
the  change  in  the  Government  at  A.lbany  a  few  years  ago,  they 
started  in  to  investigate  all  the  departments  then  presided  over  by 
Democrats  ;  we  heard  much  about  what  they  were  going  to  do,  but 
not  a  thing  was  found  wrong  and  not  so  much  as  a  penny  that  had 
been  misapplied. 

The  same  with  their  former  investigations  of  the  City  of  New 
York, — all  bluster,  but  in  the  end  no  results. 

They  cry  out  against  Richard  Croker,  and  denounce  him  as  the 
uncrowned  king.  I  know  of  no  single  act  of  his  life  that  merits 
their  abuse,  except  that  he  has  been  the  most  successful  leader  the 
democracy  of  this  city  has  ever  had,  and  that  in  every  spot  and  place 
his  word  has  been  his  bond,  and  his  integrity  above  question. 


42 
Well  do  the  words  of  the  poet  apply  to  him  : 

"  Count  me  o'er  earth's  chosen  heroes, — 

They  were  souls  that  stood  alone, 
While  the  men  they  agonized  for, 

Hurled  the  contumelious  stone  ; 
Stood  serene  and  down  the  future, 

Saw  the  golden  beam  incline, 
To  the  side  of  perfect  justice. 

Mastered  by  their  faith  divine, 
By  one  man's  plain  truth  to  manhood, 
And  to  God's  supreme  design." 

On  behalf  of  the  great  Democratic  party  of  the  State  I  extend 
to  this  honored  gentleman  greeting,  assuring  him  that  he  has  a  warm 
place  in  the  hearts  of  Democrats  everywhere,  and  that  we  have 
unquestioned  faith  in  his  integrity. 

I  hate  deception,  hypocrisy  and  cant,  and  therefore  have  no 
sympathy  with  the  existing  conditions  of  affairs  under  the  State 
Administration.  What  the  people  of  this  State  desire  and  what  they 
will  demand  at  the  earliest  opportunity  is  a  return  to  the  honest  and 
efficient  administration  of  affairs  given  them  under  many  a  Demo- 
cratic Governor,  and  which  reached  its  highest  efficiency  under  that 
grand  old  man,  Governor  Flower,  whom  in  a  mistaken  moment  the 
people  succeeded  with  a  Republican 

Inspiring  would  be  the  calling  of  the  bead-roll  of  the  illustrious 
Democratic  Governors  of  the  State  and  of  their  great  achievements, 
all,  did  time  permit. 

Van  Buren,  Marcy,  Wright,  Seymour,  Tilden,  Cleveland,  Hill 
and  Flower,  are  names  that  are  inscribed  high  in  the  people's  temple 
of  fame,  and  that  shall  endure  while  the  annals  of  their  country  are 
preserved.  They  have  one  and  all  built  for  themselves  a  heritage 
"  the  fruits  and  flowers  of  time." 

It  were  better  for  the  people  that  the  management  of  their  affairs 
was  entrusted  to  the  democracy,  a  government  of  the  people  by  and 
for  the  people. 


43 

We  hear  much  from  certain  sections  of  our  country  as  to  what 
is  to  be  the  future  policy  of  the  party.  No  other  State  has  650,000 
Democrats,  and  no  other  has  the  right  to  dictate  to  New  York.  We 
stand  for  Jetfersonian  principles  "  the  rights  of  the  many  against  the 
privileges  of  the  few." 

"  The  greatest  good  for  the  greatest  number." 

We  proscribe  no  man,  we  seek  rather  to  conciliate  all,  remem- 
bering with  Jefferson  that  minorities  have  rights  that  should  not  be 
ignored.  The  grandest  sentiment  that  he  ever  wrote  is  contained  in 
the  immortal  preamble  to  the  Declaration  :  "  We  hold  these  truths 
to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created  equal  and  endowed  by 
their  creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights  that  among  these  are  life, 
liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ;  that  to  secure  these  rights 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed." 

With  these  Jeffersonian  and  Democratic  sentiments  as  a  platform 
we  shall  find  all  Democrats  on  common  ground,  believing  as  we  all 
do,  better  a  Democrat  in  every  place  than  a  hypocritical  Republican. 
Then  shall  the  Democratic  star  shine  through  the  clouds  and  point  the 
way  to  victory  and  peace.  The  faith  of  the  Democracy  of  New 
York  is  like  the  stars,  eternal,  everlasting,  as  broad  as  humanity,  as 
enduring  as  time.  What  a  fitting  symbol  for  Democracy.is  the  star  ; 
we  have  all  heard  of  the  roses  of  England,  the  lilies  of  France,  the 
thistle  of  Scotland,  the  shamrock  of  Ireland— these  all  typify  earthly, 
perishing  things  ;  but  the  star,  that  which  was  from  everlasting, 
and  shall  be  forever.  Let  us  drink  to  the  glorious  Democracy  of 
New  York,  now  and  forever,  for  Democratic  principles,  having  in 
mind  the  sentiment : 

"  There  are  bonds  of  all  kinds  in  this  world  of  ours, 

Fetters  of  friendship  and  ties  of  flowers, 

And  true  lovers'  knots,  I  wean, 

The  boy  and  the  girl  are  bound  by  a  kiss  ; 

But  there's  never  a  bond,  old  friend  like  this  ; 

We  have  drank  from  the  same  canteen." 


44 


PRESIDENT  BELMONT. — The  motto  of  Holland  is  "  I  will  main- 
tain my  position."  Belgium  in  separating  from  Holland  adopted  the 
motto  "In  union  there  is  strength,"  but  it  is  not  for  these  reasons 
alone  that  the  late  Minister  to  The  Hague  is  so  well  qualified  to  speak 
upon  the  subject  of  "  Harmony."  I  take  great  pleasure  in  introduc- 
ing the  Hox.  ROBERT  B.  ROOSEVELT. 

ADDRESS  OF  HON.  ROBERT  B.  ROOSEVELT. 

GENTLEMEN  : — When  I  was  invited  to  speak  to-night  I  was 
assured  that  I  could  express  my  views  freely,  that  in  the  good  old 
Democratic  fashion  there  was  to  be  no  restriction  upon  any  speaker, 
each  being  allowed  to  give  utterance  to  the  thoughts  that  arose  in 
him  which  were  to  bind  no  one  but  himself  and  to  be  wholly  in 
dividual  in  force  and  effect.  On  that  understanding  I  address  you  : 
My  opinions  may  be  right  or  wrong  I  offer  them  to  your  considera- 
tion in  no  feeling  of  self  sufficiency,  no  assumption  of  superiority, 
but  as  the  opinions  of  one  who  has  been  a  Democrat  from  boyhood 
and  held  the  teachings  of  the  party  and  its  founders  its  welfare  and 
success,  as  closely  to  his  heart  as  man  ever  did,  or  ever  can.  The 
first  position  that  I  take  is  that  no  man  is  greater  than  the  Democratic 
party,  not  even  the  great 'leaders  of  by-gone  days  whom  we  still 
revere  as  the  highest  expounders  of  its  faith.  No  one  of  them  ever 
assumed  to  be  nor  shall  it  remain  to  our  time  for  any  individual  to 
claim  that  he  is  better,  that  he  is  greater,  that  he  is  wiser  than  the 
party.  Are  we  the  privates  in  the  ranks  so  shrunken  or  are  the  later 
leaders  so  infinitely  greater  than  the  fathers  of  Democracy  that  they 
can  put  forth  this  new  doctrine  and  can  assume  such  disparity  be- 
tween us  and  them  ? 

Representatives  of  a  party  occasionally  go  wrong,  the  platforms 
of  successive  annual  conventions  do  not  always  agree,  but  the  heart 
and  sense  of  the  mass  of  the  party  are  always  right,  always  instinc- 
tively true  to  the  principles  which  have  been  ingrained  by  years  of 


45 


belief  and  are  often  inherited  from  father  to  son .  The  party  rarely 
errs  even  temporarily  and  if  led  astray  for  a  moment  soon  swings 
back  to  its  original  pathway.  So  mere  occasional  utterances  are  not 
infallible  and  frequently  not  permanent  when  they  oppose  what 
have  been  the  doctrines  of  years.  To-day  the  party  is  looking 
earnestly  for  the  leader  who  will  give  expression  to  its  true  principles 
and  guide  it  once  more  on  the  road  to  the  success  which  it  deserves. 
There  never  was  a  time  when  a  great  party  so  needed  a  great  leader. 
Personally  I  have  hoped  that  the  "Young  Lochinvar  would  come  out 
of  the  west."  It  has  been  said  that  the  man  always  arises  to  meet  the 
occasion .  Here  is  the  occasion,  where  is  the  man  ?  What  are  the 
essential  principles  which  must  govern  him  ?  Let  us  be  careful  to 
follow  no  false  prophet  to  worship  at  no  false  shrine.  Do  not  let  the 
teachings  of  Socialism,  that  despicable  Gospel  of  Envy,  the  lowest 
passion  of  the  human  breast,  creep  among  and  defile  the  pure  doctrines 
of  Democracy.  That  leader  must  revive  and  express  the  ideas  of 
the  fathers  the  greatest  of  whom  we  honor  to  night. 

What  are  those  ideas  ?  His  words  standing  out  now  as  clear  and 
bright  as  ever  will  answer.  "  Equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men." 
No  selfish  and  pernicious  combinations  of  capital  that  deprive  some 
of  their  fair  chance  to  get  on  in  the  world  and  increase  the  cost  of 
living  to  others.  In  determining  what  are  unjust  and  dangerous 
combinations  of  capital  while  there  are  many  distinctions  to  be  drawn 
the  general  theory  is  popularly  expressed  by  opposition  to  what  are 
known  as  "  Trusts,"  combinations  which  interfere  with  the  ordinary 
laws  of  trade,  which  deprive  the  many  of  all  opportunity  to  do 
business  ia  the  line  grasped  by  the  monopoly,  which  prevent  com- 
petition and  consequently  are  destructive  of  "  Equal  and  exact 
justice  to  all  men."  Care  must  be  taken  however  not  to  attack 
beneficial  organizations  for  the'  proper  co-operation  of  men  of 
moderate  means  who  by  uniting  their  capital  become  the  equals  of 
the  great  capitalists.  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  announcement  of  what 
is  called  "A  Big  Smelters  Combination."  I  presume  they  would 
say  a  Big  Combination  of  Smelters  for  the  object  of  this  Trust,  as 
trust  it  clearly  appears  to  be,  is  to  raise  the  price  of  silver.  Its 
modest  initial  purpose  as  announced  in  the  prospectus  is  to  increase 


46 


this  only  tea  per  cent,  but  if  it  successfully  follows  the  example  of 
its  brother  trusts  it  will  not  stop  there  and  we  may  look  forward  to 
the  glorious  day  when  silver  will  be  once  more  worth  its  revered  ratio 
of  sixteen  to  one  of  gold  or  may  even  surpass  it.  Then  the  crime  of 
1873  may  with  just  retaliation  be  repeated  on  the  yellow  metal  and 
it  in  its  turn  may  be  branded  with  disgrace  of  depreciated  value. 
Thus  through  this  trust  may  the  Democracy  be  once  more  united 
and  its  fundamental  principle  of  honest  money  for  honest  men  be 
reaffirmed. 

In  like  manner  we  have  to  draw  a  distinction  as  to  the  income 
tax.  An  equal  income  tax  is  a  legitimate  measure  of  taxation,  while 
a  graduated  income  tax  is  naked  and  barefaced  robbery.  There  shall 
be  "equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men  "  rich  and  poor.  The  trusts 
shall  make  no  discrimination  against  the  poor  man,  the  income  tax 
shall  make  none  against  the  rich. 

The  next  fundamental  principle  is  the  "  Preservation  of  the 
General  Government  in  its  whole  constitutional  vigor."  Under  this 
the  independence  and  sanctity  of  the  Supreme  Court,  one  of  the 
essential  co-ordinate  branches  of  the  government,  are  to  be  main- 
tained inviolate  as  the  Democracy  has  insisted  from  its  inception. 
No  man  shall  prostitute  that  court  as  was  done  by  the  Republican 
party  when  it  changed  its  composition  in  order  to  legalize  that  most 
pernicious  measure,  the  Legal  Tender  Act.  but  it  shall  remain  in- 
violate and  independent  forever,  the  bulkwark  of  the  individual 
against  the  State,  of  the  State  against  the  central  government,  of  the 
government  against  the  possible  usurper.  The  Supreme  court  of  the 
United  States  is  the  restraining,  regulating  and  protecting  power  of 
our  government,  restraining  the  people  from  lawlessness,  their  rulers 
from  tyranny.  When  it  ceases  to  be  sacred  our  liberties  are  near 
their  end. 

In  like  manner  all  the  principles  declared  by  Thomas  Jefferson 
are  equally  sacred,  I  cannot  refer  to  them  all  but  will  mention  one 
other.  "The  honest  payment  of  our  debts  and  sacred  preservation 
of  the  public  faith."  No  national  creditor  shall  be  forced  to  accept 


47 


a  depreciated  currency  and  the  words  of  a  public  obligation  shall  be 
interpreted  rather  against  ourselves  in  order  that  no  shadow  of  dis 
honor  shall  fall  upon  the  nation. 

Honor,  honesty  and  economy  have  been  the  watchwords  of  the 
Democracy ;  honor,  honesty  and  economy  in  public  and  private  life,  the 
love  of  liberty  and  respect  for  universal  manhood.  So  dearly  do  we 
value  these  principles  that  we  have  opened  wide  the  doors  of  our 
country  to  all  those  who  would  enjoy  them.  We  would  disseminate 
them  to  all  lands.  We  have  faith  in  the  mission  of  Democracy  as 
we  have  in  that  of  Christianity.  To-night  we  celebrate  the  glories  of 
him  who  opened  to  those  doctrines  half  a  continent.  Our  country  is 
entering  on  a  career  which  will  give  them  a  still  greater  expansion 
and  establish  them  in  a  new  world.  They  are  doctrines  of  universal 
application  and  when  once  established  will  maintain  themselves. 
War  has  led  the  way,  peace  will  complete  the  work.  We  will  never 
surrender  back  to  barbarism  a  single  foot  of  the  territory  won  by  the 
heroism  of  our  soldiers  and  consecrated  by  their  blood. 


48 


PRESIDENT  BELMONT. — The  Democrats  of  Brooklyn  have  always 
been  friends  and  neighbors  of  the  Democracy  of  Manhattan.  They 
have  now  become  members  of  the  same  political  family  under  the 
new  order  of  things  in  Greater  New  York.  In  their  relations  to  each 
other  they  observe  the  golden  rule  in  essentials  unity,  in  non- 
essentials  liberty.  It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure  that  I  have  the 
honor  of  calling  upon  that  distinguished  soldier  and  Democrat 
MAJOR  GENERAL  I.  H.  CATLIN,  to  respond  to  the  toast  "  The 
Democracy  of  Brooklyn." 

ADDRESS  OF  MAJOR  GENERAL  I.  H.  CATLIN. 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  OP  THE  DEMOCRATIC  CLUB  :— 
Democracy  is  not  circumscribed  by  or  limited  to  City,  County  or 
State  boundaries,  but  is  as  broad  and  comprehensive  as  the  Union 
itself  ;  and,  therefore,  what  I  shall  say  of  the  Brooklyn  Democracy, 
I  intend  to  be  applicable  to  the  great  loyal  Democracy  of  the  nation. 

And  I  shall  not  seek  to  travel  into  the  domain  appropriate  to 
the  statesman  or  the  political  economist  and  treat  the  subject  from  a 
profound  and  philosophical  stand-point,  but  shall  content  myself 
with  a  familiar  and  practical  consideration  of  the  sentiment  just 
announced . 

I  shall  speak  of  the  Democracy  of  Brooklyn  as  a  concrete  force 
and  power,  as  I  have  known  it  in  the  past  and  as  I  know  it  to-day. 
I  shall  speak  of  it  from  the  standpoint  of  a  Democrat  who  was 
schooled  in  and  graduated  from  the  splendid  republicanism  of 
Lincoln  and  Grant,  and  who  entered  the  Democratic  ranks  after  their 
controlling  and  distinctive  policies  had  been  repudiated,  after  the 
Republican  party  had  drifted  away  or  been  led  away  from  its  origi- 
nal moorings  and  departed  from  its  early  teachings  ;  after  it  had 
become  the  effective  ally  of  great  combinations  of  capital  and  had 
gone  into  active  partnership  with  specially  protected  industrial  in- 
terests, and  after  it  had  shackled  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the 


49 


people  of  the  South  by  offensive  force  bills  and  other  vicious  and 
tyrannical  legislation.  It  may  not  be  popular  to  admit  to-day  that  I  was 
also  influenced  to  become  a  Democrat,  with  many  other  Republicans, 
for  the  reason  that  it  seemed  to  me  the  election  of  Grover  Cleveland 
and  the  fruits  of  his  administration  were  a  distinct  gain  in  elevation 
of  tone  and  character  to  the  nation,  had  opened  up  a  new  and 
brighter  era  and  brighter  prospects  for  the  American  people,  for 
American  traditions,  and  for  the  dignity  of  Democratic  institutions. 
And  I  now  speak  of  the  Democracy  of  Brooklyn  from  its  advanced 
position — enlarged  in  scope,  exalted  in  purpose,  disenthralled  from 
some  of  its  old  environments,  purified  in  the  crucible  of  defeat  and 
thus  prepared  for  far  higher  and  greater  victories  ;  I  speak  of  it  thus 
as  a  great  factor  in  the  party  at  large,  which  has  existed  from  the 
nation's  birth,  and  which  will  continue  to  exist  so  long  as  the  flag 
shall  represent  freedom  and  constitutional  government  ;  I  shall 
speak  of  it  as  representing  the  glorious  Democracy  of  Jefferson  and 
Monroe,  of  Jackson  and  Tilden,  of  Cleveland  and  Hill,  of  Croker 
and  McLaughlin,  and  last  but  not  least  of  Van  Wyck  ;  as  a  section 
of  the  democracy  first  voiced  in  the  thrilling  words  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  a  document  which  should  be  "hung  up  in  the 
nursery  of  every  King  and  blazoned  on  the  Porch  of  every  Royal 
Palace,"  which  is  voiced  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation  and  again 
in  the  Constitution  of  the  Federal  Union  ;  a  democracy  which  has 
laid  its  foundations  broad  and  deep  upon  the  model  so  wisely  and 
patriotically  wrought  by  Jefferson  and  Jackson,  the  two  apostles 
of  the  democratic  faith  who  stand  out  unique  and  grand  in  the  history 
of  the  party  and  of  the  best  traditions  of  the  American  Republic. 

Pardon  my  partiality,  Mr.  President,  when  I  say  the  Democracy 
of  Brooklyn  to-day  stands  for  as  noble  work  and  as  lofty  aims  in 
politcal  affairs  as  any  organized  political  force  in  the  State.  Its  past 
career  in  the  main  has  been  one  of  steady  progress  and  honorable 
achievement.  It  has  unsparingly  and  relentlessly  weeded  out  the 
tares  from  the  wheat  in  its  own  organization.  When  crime  has  been 
perpetrated,  when  law  has  been  sold  and  the  elective  franchise  has 
been  outraged,  the  democratic  press  and  democratic  lawyers  have  in- 
voked the  wrath  of  public  sentiment  and  the  severities  of  the  crimi- 
nal law.  Like  unto  your  own  great  city,  when  crimes  of  such 


50 


stupendous  proportions  were  committed  that  the  people  of  all  civili- 
zed nations  stood  aghast,  the  democratic  organization  repudiated  the 
criminals  of  both  parties,  and  two  democratic  statesmen  and  lawyers, 
towering  like  giants  above  all  others,  Tilden  and  O'Connor  came  to 
the  rescue  of  the  City's  honor,  and  vindicated  the  outraged  law  and 
an  outraged  people. 

The  people  of  the  old  City  of  Brooklyn  and  of  the  present 
Borough  are  largely  indebted  to  the  Brooklyn  Democracy  for  the 
vast  and  wonderful  public  improvements  which  have  made  it  one  of 
the  most  attractive  and  healthy  places  of  abode  in  the  world.  It  was  one 
of  its  distinguished  representatives  who  conceived  and  completed  the 
great  sewer  system  of  that  city  and  who  conceived  and  constructed 
the  water  reservoir  which  supplanted  the  old  town  pumps  and  sup- 
plied the  inhabitants  with  an  abundance  of  pure  and  healthful  water. 

While  at  the  head  of  the  Park  Department  for  many  years  sat 
our  lamented  first  citizen,  the  great  Stranahan,  a  Republican  of  the 
school  of  Lincoln  and  Grant,  yet  the  records  show  and  the  truth  is 
that  his  support  and  his  encouragement  came  from  the  Brooklyn 
Democracy  which  furnished  him  the  funds  whereby  he  was  enabled 
to  lay  out  and  construct  for  the  City  of  Churches  the  most  beautiful 
park  and  the  most  enchanting  summer  resort  on  either  side  of  the 
Atlantic. 

When  these  two  great  municipalities  were  separated  as  effectu- 
ally as  though  the  Atlantic  Ocean  rolled  between  them,  and  a  trip 
from  New  York  to  Brooklyn  was  as  tedious  and  disagreeable  as  a 
journey  to  Albany,  a  splendid  specimen  of  the  Brooklyn  Democracy 
encouraged  by  the  organization  itself,  conceived  the  magnificent 
project  of  spanning  the  East  River  and  connecting  the  two  cities  so 
strongly  and  securely  that  the  commerce  of  the  world  might  be 
transported  over  it  ;  and  as  a  result  the  grandest  structure  of  skill 
and  science  of  modern  times  was  presented  to  an  admiring  world, 
and  the  name  and  fame  of  William  C.  Kingsley  became  the  precious 
legacy  of  the  ages,  and  of  the  long  line  of  generations  of  men  unborn. 

la  every  field  of  honorable  activity  and  achievement  the  Brook- 
lyn Democracy  has  given  liberally  of  its  personal  membership. 


51 


Patriots,  soldiers,  naval  heroes,  statesmen,  journalists,  judges  and 
orators  fill  the  annals  of  the  City  with  brilliant  pages.  Look  over  the 
roll  of  honor  and  scan  the  list  of  men  who  served  with  distinction  in 
the  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  and  among  the  first,  among 
those  standing  in  the  front  rank  of  fame,  you  will  behold  the  name 
of  Henry  W.  Slocum,  the  great  commander  of  the  left  wing  of 
Sherman's  unparalleled  and  unconquerable  army  ;  you  will  find 
there  the  cherished  name  of  Calvin  E.  Pratt,  soldier,  judge  and 
statesman  ;  the  name  of  Edgar  M.  Cullen  who  won  his  spurs  as 
colonel  when  but  a  stripling,  and  who  now  wears  the  judicial  ermine 
with  grace  and  dignity  and  honor  ;  the  name  of  Horatio  C.  King,  of 
our  new  Bridge  Commissioner,  Col.  James  D.  Bell,  of  General 
George  W.  Wingate  and  Dakin  and  Clement  and  Shevlin,  besides 
the  long  list  of  those  who  have  many  years  ago  fouarht  the  last  fight 
and  crossed  the  last  river,  and  received  their  everlasting  reward. 

Perhaps  the  best  test  of  the  character  and  purposes  of  a  political 
organization  is  afforded  by  the  reputation  and  standing  of  the  candi- 
dates which  it  presents  for  judicial  honors.  By  that  standard  I  have 
no  fear  of  a  comparison  between  the  Brooklyn  Democracy  and  any 
other  organization  in  the  nation  without  regard  to  its  political  com- 
plexion. I  give  you  with  sad  and  unfeigned  pleasure  the  names  of 
Pratt,  Gilbert,  McCue,  Clement,  Neilson  and  Osborne,  who  have 
gone  to  their  reward  where  justice  knows  neither  variableness  nor 
shadow  of  turning,  and  among  the  living  I  am  proud  to  mention 
Gaynor,  Cullen,  Bartlett,  Jenks,  Marean,  Abbott  and  Hurd,  and  him 
whose  name  to-day  in  City,  State  and  Nation  is  as  familiar  as  house- 
hold words,  Augustus  Van  Wyck. 

And  the  Democracy  of  Brooklyn  will  take  no  backward  step.  It 
has  taken  its  position  abreast  of  the  high  level  of  the  spirit  of  the 
times  and  there  it  will  stand  and  battle  until  the  bugle  note  of  prog- 
ress shall  again  sound  the  advance.  While  it  may  justly  and 
proudly  boast  of  orators  like  DeWitt  and  Shepherd,  of  scholars  and 
journalists  like  McLean  and  McKelway,  of  great  lawyers  to  numer- 
ous to  mention,  and  of  men  of  great  attainments  and  high  culture  in 
other  fields  of  achievement,  yet  it  is  due  to  truth  and  frankness  and 
honesty  to  say  that  the  strongest  forces  and  most  beneficient  influence 


52 


of  the  Brooklyn  Democracy  have  emanated  from  the  modest  and 
unassuming  products  of  our  old-fashioned  common  and  public 
school  system,  and  of  the  rugged,  hardy  graduates  from  the  universi- 
ties of  toil  and  experience. 

And,  Sir,  the  Brooklyn  Democracy  does  not  propose  to  shirk 
any  responsibility  which  new  conditions  and  new  problems  have 
thrust  upon  it.  It  was  among  the  first  organizations  in  the  land  to 
demand  the  sword  for  Spain  and  Justice  and  Liberty  for  Cuba.  Like 
Schley,  from  the  mast  head  of  the  Brooklyn  at  Santiago,  at  an  early 
date  it  threw  out  to  the  breeze  from  its  headquarters  the  talismanic 
words,  "  Remember  the  Maine."  Anxious  to  give  effective  moral 
support  to  the  government  a  meeting  of  the  general  committee  was 
called  on  the  25th  of  April  1898,  which  was  attended  by  the  leading 
men  of  the  organization  when  ringing  resolutions  were  adopted  to 
stand  by  Congress  and  the  Administration  in  their  declaration  to 
restore  peace,  and  give  a  stable  government  to  the  Inland  of  Cuba. 
It  stands  by  the  official  utterances  then  made  and  by  the  patriotic 
words  of  President  Grout  and  others  who  addressed  the  large  audience 
which  had  assembled  to  participate  in  the  enthusiastic  demonstration. 
At  that  time,  Dewey  had  not  "  cried  havoc  and  let  slip  the  dogs  of 
war,"  and  had  not  swept  into  the  Bay  of  Manila  and  destroyed  a 
great  war  fleet  and  silenced  a  long  line  of  guns  bristling  from  the 
forts  and  the  batteries  along  the  shore.  But  let  me  say  with  emphasis 
that  admiration  and  applause  for  Dewey  came  from  no  other  body  of 
men  more  heartily  and  warmly  than  from  the  Brooklyn  Democracy, 
and  call  it  expansion,  or  whatever  else  you  may,  if  the  flag  shall 
never  come  down  until  the  Brooklyn  Democracy  demands  it,  then  it 
will  fly  over  the  Phillipines  until  that  arch  traitor  and  bandit  and 
assassin  Aguinaldo  shall  be  captured  and  shot,  and  until  civilization 
and  freedom  shall  be  established  and  a  stable  form  of  Government 
shall  be  maintained  which  will  give  peace,  protection  and  prosperity 
to  the  people  of  that  benighted  region. 

And  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  the  Brooklyn  Democracy  joining 
forces  and  laboring  in  unison  with  the  great  organization  which, 
in  spite  of  partisan  committees  from  Albany,  so  largely  controls 
the  welfare  of  this  Borough,  for  honest  and  clean  municipal 


government,  with  the  two  great  leaders  of  the  respective  organiza- 
tions thoroughly  in  accord,  with  the  democracy  in  other  portions  of 
the  State  working  in  harmony  in  local  and  State  affairs,  there  should 
not  be  the  shadow  of  doubt  of  democratic  success  hereafter  in 
municipal,  county  and  state  elections. 

And  further,  Sir,  if  this  old,  threadbare  controversy  over  a 
theory  between  the  West  and  the  East  shall  cease  ;  if  the  monumental 
folly  of  attempting  to  forestall  the  work  which  the  Constitution  in 
terms  reposes  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  cease  ;if  our 
aggressive  friends  shall  adopt  the  wise  and  discreet  plan  of  President 
McKinley  who  announces  that  he  shall  have  no  policy  of  his  own 
to  suggest  or  enforce  with  reference  to  the  Government  of  the 
Phillipines,  but  shall  leave  the  whole  matter  to  Congress  where  it 
belongs  ;  if  the  offensive  discussion  of  questions  liable  to  disturb  and 
disrupt  the  party  shall,  for  the  time  being  and  for  the  sake  of 
harmony  and  ultimate  success,  be  suspended  or  relegated  to  the 
tribunal  which  is  clothed  with  power  to  settle  it,  if  these  things  may 
be  effected  in  all  good  part,  then  the  country  can  be  successfully 
appealed  to  and  overwhelmingly  carried  by  the  National  Democracy 
in  1900. 


54 


PRESIDENT  BELMONT. — It  is  especially  appropriate  that  the  toast 
to  the  Army  and  Navy  fall  to  one  whose  distinguished  gallantry  on 
the  field  of  battle  was  recognized  by  a  medal  from  Congress,  and 
whose  services  in  Congress  upon  the  Naval  Committee  in  building 
up  the  American  Navy  entitles  him  to  the  thanks  of  the  American 
people.  I  have  the  honor  of  introducing  the  Hox.  AMOS  J.  CUMMINGS. 

ADDRESS  OF  HON.  AMOS  J.  CUMMINGS. 

MR,  CHAIRMAN,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — The  Army,  the 
Navy — history  springs  up  like  magic  at  the  mere  mention.  It  points 
to  a  thousand  events  and  to  a  thousand  vicissitudes  affecting  the 
welfare  of  nations  and  of  mankind.  They  emancipated  this  country 
in  its  infancy ;  they  have  guarded  it  in  its  manhood.  They  have 
added  glory  to  its  flag, — strength,  grandeur  and  importance  to  its 
standing  before  the  world.  When  mentioned  together,  the  Army  is 
always  named  first.  The  reason  undoubtedly  is  that  it  is  the  oldest 
form  of  national  aggression  and  defence.  In  all  pages  of  sacred 
history,  amid  all  the  wars  chronicled,  there  is  no  mention  of  a  naval 
armament  or  conflict.  Yet  to-day,  because  of  our  geographical 
position  and  configuration,  our  navy  takes  precedence. 

A  great  French  statesman  less  than  a  week  ago  said  "  The  Army 
is  the  right  arm  of  France."  That  may  be  true  of  France,  but  it 
can  not  be  applied  to  America.  Recent  events  have  proved  that  the 
Navy  is  the  right  arm  of  the  Nation.  It  has  finished  its  work  almost 
single  handed,  and  is  now  aiding  the  Army  in  its  difficult  and 
perilous  task. 

It  is  a  singular  fact  imbedded  in  history  and  one  that  will  interest 
our  fair  friends  in  the  boxes,  that  the  first  great  army  was  marshalled 
by  a  woman — Semiramis.  More  singular  still  is  the  fact  that  in  the 
tirst  great  naval  engagement  recorded  in  history  another  queen, 
Artemisia,  won  the  honors  for  bravery  and  strategy  ;  so  much  so  that 
Xerxes  said  "  Only  the  women  of  the  fleet  behaved  like  men." 


55 

In  addressing  the  Hamilton  Club  at  Chicago  on  April  10th, 
Governor  Roosevelt  said  : 

"  Be  just  to  those  who  build  up  the  Navy  and  for  the  sake  of  the  future  of 
the  country  keep  in  mind  those  who  oppose  its  building  up.  Read  the 
Congressional  Record.  Find  out  the  Senators  and  Congressmen  who  opposed 
the  grants  for  building  the  new  ships ;  who  opposed  the  purchase  of  armor, 
without  which  the  ships  were  worthless  ;  who  opposed  any  adequate  mainten- 
ance for  the  Navy  Department,  and  strove  to  cut  down  the  number  of  men 
necessary  to  man  our  fleet." 

It  is  good  advice  from  a  friend  of  both  the  Army  and  the  Navy, 
The  Record  discloses  the  fact  that  the  men  who  led  the  opposition 
to  the  Navy  and  who  are  responsible  for  the  delay  in  the  construction 
of  the  vessels  are  prominent  Republicans  in  both  the  House  and  the 
Senate.  Had  they  done  their  duty  twelve  additional  war  ships 
would  have  been  under  contract  to-day,  all  to  be  protected  with 
Krupp  armor. 

Let  us  look  at  the  Army  and  Navy  on  the  day  of  Jefferson's 
death.  The  Secretary  of  War  was  the  Hon.  James  Barbour  of 
Virginia  ;  the  Commanding  General  was  Jacob  Brown.  On  his  staff 
were  General  Winfield  Scott,  General  Thomas  S.  Jesup,  Colonel  John 
E.  Wool,  Colonel  Alexander  Macomb,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Zachary 
Taylor  and  Colonel  John  A.  Dix.  The  total  strength  of  the  Army 
was  6,186  men.  There  were  a  little  over  ten  millions  of  inhabitants  in 
the  United  States.  To-day  the  total  strength  of  the  regular  Army 
is  25,000  men.  A  provision  of  a  recent  law  gives  the  President  the 
right  to  increase  this  number  to  65,000  enlisted  men  with  an 
additional  force  of  35,000  in  case  of  an  emergency.  But  this  entire 
force  is  to  be  reduced  to  25,000  men  on  the  first  of  July  1901. 
The  population  of  the  country  to-day  is  at  least  seventy  millions, 
and  the  increase  in  wealth  much  greater.  If  the  regular  Army  had 
increased  in  proportion  it  would  be  over  48,000  men  instead  of  25,000. 

Now  let  us  look  at  the  Navy.  On  the  day  that  Jefferson  died 
John  Quincy  Adams  was  President  and  Samuel  L.  Southard 
Secretary  of  the  Navy.  The  highest  rank  was  that  of  Captain.  The 
prominent  captains  were  William  Bainbridge,  President  of  the  Naval 
Board  in  Washington,  John  Rodgers,  in  command  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean Squadron,  James  Barren  in  command  of  the  Norfolk  Yard, 


50 

Charles  Stewart  waiting  orders,  Isaac  Hull  in  command  of  the 
Pacific  Squadron,  Isaac  Chauncey  in  command  of  the  Brooklyn 
Navy  Yard,  David  Porter  on  duty  in  Washington,  and  James  Biddle 
in  command  of  the  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard.  David  G.  Farragut  was 
a  lieutenant  on  the  Brandy  wine  and  Samuel  F.  Dupont  a  midship- 
man on  the  North  Carolina.  There  were  28  vessels  in  the  service  ; 
7  ships  of  the  line  carrying  74  guns  each,  6  first  class  frigates  carrying 
44  guns,  including  the  Constitution,  Guierrere,  United  States  and 
Java.  The  Java  and  Guierrere  had  been  captured  from  the  British 
in  the  war  of  1812.  There  were  four  second  class  frigates  carrying  36 
guns  each,  including  the  Fulton,  the  first  steam  vessel  in  the  Navy. 
She  was  at  first  known  as  the  Demologos.  She  cost  $320,000,  and 
was  designed  by  Robert  Fulton.  On  June  4th,  1829,  her  magazine  con- 
taining 2£  barrels  of  damaged  powder,  exploded  in  the  Wallabout, 
destroying  the  vessel  and  killing  24  persons.  There  were  2  corvettes 
carrying  24  guns  each,  the  John  Adams  built  in  Charleston  and  the 
Cyane  captured  from  the  British.  There  were  4  sloops  of  war  with  18 
guns  each,  including  the  Hornet  and  Peacock.  The  Peacock  was  by 
the  Hornet  taken  from  the  British.  To-day  instead  of  28  vessels  we 
have  172  vessels.  Eleven  of  them  are  first  class  battleships  and  cruisers, 
15  second  class  cruisers,  42  vessels  of  the  third  rate  and  101  of  all  other 
classes,  including  torpedo  boats.  If  the  Navy  had  increased  in 
proportion  to  the  wealth  and  population  of  the  country  its  total 
to-day  would  be  196  ships.  On  the  day  of  Jefferson's  death  there 
was  a  total  of  5.316  officers  and  men  in  the  Navy.  To  day  the 
number  is  limited  to  17,500.  If  the  increase  had  been  proportionate 
to  the  population  and  wealth  of  the  country,  the  effective  force  of 
the  Navy  to-day  would  be  over  37,000  men,  less  than  half  of  that 
of  Great  Britain.  Thomas  Jefferson  if  he  were  alive  to-day,  would 
be  among  the  formost  of  patriotic  Americans  in  advocating  such  an 
increase  in  the  Army  and  Navy. 

I  have  said  that  history  springs  up  like  magic  at  the  mere 
mention  of  the  Army  and  Navy.  We  recall  the  days  of  Washington 
at  Yorktown,  of  Jackson  at  New  Orleans,  of  Taylor  at  Buena  Vista, 
of  Grant  at  Appomatox,  of  Shafter  at  Santiago,  and  of  Otis 
at  Manila.  The  same  undaunted  courage  that  was  shown  by 
Montgomery  at  Quebec,  by  the  Maryland  Line  at  Long  Island  and 


57 

Camden,  by  Macomb  at  Plattsburg,  by  Worth  at  Chepultepec,  by 
Terry  at  Fort  Fisher,  by  Wheeler  at  San  Juan,  and  by  McArthur  at 
Malolos  is  still  the  distinguising  feature  of  the  American  Army.  It 
lacks  neither  strategy  nor  valor,  but  stands  unsurpassed  in  line  of 
battle,  the  admiration  of  the  world.  Volunteers  and  Regulars  share 
equally  in  the  lustre  of  victory. 

The  Spanish  war  stands  without  a  parellel.  War  was  declared 
April  25th,  1898  and  virtually  ended  with  the  surrender  of  Toral  on 
July  17th,  1898.  All  criticism  pales  before  success.  The  victory 
was  complete.  It,  was  due,  not  only  to  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  but 
to  the  officials  in  Washington,  who  worked  night  and  day  meeting 
requisitions  and  forwarding  supplies.  The  President,  the  Secretary 
of  War,  and  the  General  commanding  the  Army  are  equally  entitled 
to  praise.  Whatever  may  have  been  said  of  the  War  Department,  the 
fact  remains  that  it  had  an  Adjutant  General  whose  ceaseless  activity 
and  untiring  energy  were  vital  factors  in  the'grand  consummation. 

But  what  of  the  Navy  ?  From  the  days  of  Salamis,  down  to 
the  present  hour,  the  Navy  has  always  been  a  decisive  element  in  the 
wars  of  coastwise  nations.  It  was  the  destruction  of  his  fleet  that 
drove  Xerxes  back  into  Asia.  It  was  the  Roman  triremes  that  forced 
Hannibal  out  of  Italy  and  led  him  to  his  final  defeat  at  Zama. 
Without  its  Navy,  England  to  day  would  be  a  fourth-rate  power. 
Its  sailors  seized  Gibralter.  To  its  great  Admiral  Nelson  was  due 
the  downfall  of  Napoleon.  France  became  isolated  from  the  rest  of 
the  world  and  was  forced  to  feed  upon  itself.  Its  resources  were 
destroyed  and  the  battle  of  Waterloo  was  only  the  sequel  of  Nelson's 
work  at  Aboukir,  Copenhagen  and  Trafalgar.  In  the  days  of  the 
revolution  Paul  Jones'  glorious  victory  re-inspirited  the  Continental 
soldiers.  Without  the  aid  of  the  French  fleet,  Cornwallis  would 
have  escaped  from  Yorktown.  But  it  was  in  the  War  of  1812  that 
our  Navy  won  its  greatest  victories.  Hull  had  surrendered  at 
Detroit,  Wilkinson  had  made  a  lamentable  fiasco  on  the  border,  and 
the  country  was  throbbing  in  gloom  and  anxiety.  Suddenly  a 
Message  was  sent  from  Lake  Erie  to  Washington,  a  message  as  terse 
and  as  immortal  as  the  "Veni,  Vidi,  Vici "  of  Caeser — "  We  have 
met  the  enemy  and  they  are  ours."  It  came  from  Commodore  Perry, 


58 

the  grandfather  of  the  distinguished  gentlemen  who  presides  at  this 
gathering.  It  announced  a  victory  that  fired  the  hearts  of  a  despon- 
dant  nation.  It  was  a  victory  that  led  to  the  death  of  Tecumseh 
and  the  capture  of  Proctor's  Army.  In  the  following  year  Washing- 
ton was  captured  by  General  Ross  and  the  country  was  again  in  the 
throes  of  agony,  when  the  magnificent  triumph  of  Macdonough  on 
Lake  Champlain  and  of  Macomb  on  the  Saranac  again  aroused  the 
people  and  opened  the  way  to  peace. 

On  the  ocean  Decatur,  Bainbridge,  Barron,  Stewart,  Isaac  Hull 
and  a  score  of  naval  heroes  were  capturing  British  ships  and  adding 
brilliant  pages  to  American  history.  Without  the  Navy  the  war 
would  have  been  a  failure.  As  it  was,  the  treaty  of  Ghent  settled 
nothing  ;  it  did  not  even  mention  the  causes  of  the  war.  Fifteen 
days  after  that  treaty  was  signed  Jackson  won  the  battle  of  New 
Orleans.  The  British  troops  whipped  in  this  Battle  were  taken  back 
to  Europe  and  participated  in  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  at  Waterloo. 
Jackson's  victory  alone  induced  England  to  give  up  the  right  of 
search  and  from  that  day  to  this  the  brow  beating  of  the  United 
States  has  ceased. 

It  was  the  Navy  that  destroyed  the  Rebellion.  Farragut  had 
forced  the  gate  to  New  Orleans  long  before  McClellan  left  the 
Peninsula.  In  co-operation  with  Commodore  Foote  the  Mississippi 
river  was  cleared  and  the  Confederacy  split  in  twain.  The  great 
work  of  Dewey  at  Manila  was  aptly  supplemented  by  the  work  of 
Schley  at  Santiago.  The  American  Navy  destroyed  the  power 
of  Spain  and  forced  the  proudest  kingdom  on  earth  to  sue  for 
peace.  Even  now  we  hear  the  thunder  of  Kautz's  guns  at  Samoa. 
The  only  cause  of  regret  is  that  the  action  is  taken  in  concert  with 
the  British.  A  nation  like  ours  should  play  no  second  fiddle.  We 
need  no  entangling  alliance  with  Great  Britain  or  any  other  monarchy 
to  carry  out  our  National  policy.  The  friendly  attitude  of  the 
Englsh  Admiral  in  Manila  was  due  not  so  much  to  love  for  America, 
as  to  hatred  for  Germany.  Selfishness  was  the  root  of  England's 
action — the  same  selfishness  that  has  eternally  characterized  her 
dealings  with  the  world.  She  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to  embroil  us 
with  Germany,  even  if  she  can  rake  out  her  own  Chinese  chestnuts  by 


59 


so  doing.  Our  Navy,  our  Army,  the  Nation  itself,  is  strong  enough 
to  settle  any  differences  with  other  powers  without  the  aid  and 
influence  of  Great  Britain. 

There  are  indications  that  a  systematic  effort  is  being  made  to 
force  us  into  an  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  if  you  will,  with 
our  ancient  enemy,  but  it  will  not  work.  Straws  show  which  way 
the  wind  blows.  What  would  have  been  said  if  in  1830  the  first 
toast  given  at  a  banquet  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  in  New  York 
should  have  been  "His  Majesty,  George  the  Fourth,"  followed  by  a 
toast  to  Andrew  Jackson,  President  of  the  United  States  ?  Yet 
our  relations  with  England  were  as  friendly  then  as  they  are  to-day. 
Above  all  what  would  have  been  said  if  the  Chamber  of  Commerce 
of  New  York  in  1790  had  toasted  "  His  Majesty,  George  the  Third" 
before  drinking  to  the  health  of  George  Washington  ?  And  what 
would  the  old  Continental  Army  have  said  to  have  seen  American 
sailors  commanded  by  a  British  officer,  in  a  reconnaissance  at 
Samoa,  Raratonga,  or  any  other  island  in  the  South  Pacific  ? 

It  is  said  of  an  army  that  unless  it  is  given  employment,  like 
Acteon's  hounds,  it  will  find  employment.  It  may  defy,  even 
overrun  the  civil  power.  This  cannot  be  said  of  the  Navy.  Our 
forefathers  foresaw  the  danger  and  wisely  made  a  provision  against 
it  in  the  National  Constitution.  Jackson,  after  New  Orleans,  and 
McClellan,  after  Antietam,  clearly  recognized  the  force  of  this  pro- 
vision. Hancock,  while  in  command  of  the  Department  of  the  Gulf, 
declared  that  the  military  power  was  meant  only  to  uphold — not 
control — the  civil  power,  and  declined  arbitrary  action.  These  great 
soldiers  and  statesmen  were  all  Democrats — Jeffersonian  Democrats. 
Circumstances  here  compel  me  to  pay  a  due  compliment  to  our 
present  Executive.  Twice  has  he  virtually  refused  to  override  this 
constitutional  provision  at  the  demand  of  his  party.  This  is  true 
statesmanship.  But  the  tendency  of  his  party  is  to  centralize  the 
Government  and  trample  this  constitutional  provision  under  foot. 
This,  as  on  former  occasions,  was  clearly  developed  in  the  recent 
Congress.  An  amendment  to  the  Army  bill,  drawn  in  the  precise 
words  of  the  Constitution,  was  defeated — every  Republican  voting 


60 


against  it  but  one  (all  honor  to  him,  for  he  was  a  Jerseyman,)  every 
Democrat  and  every  Populist  voting  for  it  backed  up  by  the 
Jerseyman  alone. 

The  Army,  the  Navy — subordinate  to  the  civil  power,  as  the 
constitution  and  the  tenets  of  the  Democratic  party  demand,  are 
the  safe-guards  of  the  Nation  ;  acting  otherwise  they  threaten  its 
perpetuity. 


61 


PRESIDENT  BELMONT.— I  now  call  upon  that  faithful  public 
servant  and  eloquent  Democrat  the  Hox.  JOHN  W.  KELLER,  to 
respond  to  the  toast  "  The  City  of  New  York." 

ADDRESS  OF  HON.  JOHN  W.  KELLER. 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — My  first  impulse  in  making 
this  speech  is  to  eulogize  the  City  of  New  York.  That  impulse  is 
common  to  all  New  Yorkers.  We  are  proud  of  wuat  the  city  is. 
Its  wealth,  its  power,  its  place  among  the  municipalities  of  the  world 
justify  the  glory  that  every  citizen  takes  in  recounting  its  history  or 
foretelling  its  future.  To-day  it  is  the  second  city  of  the  world.  It 
requires  no  prophetic  vision  to  forsee  the  time  when  it  will  become 
the  first  city  of  the  world.  But  it  is  not  of  New  York's  greatness 
that  I  shall  speak  to-night.  The  time  allotted  for  each  speaker  on 
this  toast  list  is  too  brief  to  do  justice  to  the  greatness  of  New  York. 
Moreover,  this  is  a  political  dinner.  It  is  a  dinner  given  by  a  political 
party  to  honor  the  memory  of  the  father  and  founder  of  that  great 
party.  Therefore  I  have  chosen  to  use  my  time  in  speaking  of  the 
political  complexion  of  the  City  of  New  York.  I  shall  speak  not 
only  as  a  Democrat,  but  as  one  of  the  common  people — a  distinction 
that  I  have  inherited  by  birth  and  a  right  that  I  have  won  by  toil. 
The  fundamental  principle  of  American  Democracy  is  this :  Every 
man  shall  have  the  right  to  better  his  condition  by  honest  labor. 
That  is  all  that  the  people  ask  for.  But  on  that  they  do  and  ought 
to  insist.  Here  in  New  York  we  have  a  complex  population.  This 
city  has  always  stood  with  its  gates  open  to  the  liberty-loving,  free- 
dom-seeking people  of  the  world.  New  York  has  said  to  the  down- 
trodden and  the  oppressed  of  other  nations  :  "  Come  to  me  and  you 
shall  have  that  opportunity  to  better  your  condition  which  is  denied 
you  in  your  own  country  !  "  And  the  people  of  other  nations  have 
come  to  her. 


62 


They  have  come  wretchedly  poor,  in  every  characteristic  save 
one — within  the  heart  of  every  immigrant  burns,  and  has  ever 
burned,  the  hope  of  bettering  his  condition.  This  is  the  spark  that 
remains  when  all  else  is  crushed.  This  is  the  impelling  force  that 
causes  a  man  to  leave  his  native  land  to  seek  some  other  place  where 
there  is  promise  of  freedom  and  of  liberty.  Russia,  Poland,  Italy, 
Greece,  Ireland — all  have  sent  their  people  here  seeking  what  was 
denied  them  by  oppression  and  misrule  in  their  own  countries.  And 
what  is  the  result  ?  That  spark  of  hope  which  brought  them  across 
the  ocean  has  been  kindled  into  patriotic  citizenship  until  immigration 
has  contributed  to  the  glory  and  grandeur  of  the  city.  This  has  not 
happened  by  mere  chance  or  without  some  intelligent  direction.  It 
has  been  achieved  by  education.  Next  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, Thomas  Jefferson  was  prouder  of  the  fatherhood  of  the 
University  of  Virginia  than  of  any  other  achievement.  He  saw  that  the 
people,  in  order  to  become  good  citizens,  must  be  educated,  and  it 
was  from  the  germ  of  his  endeavor  to  have  them  educated,  that  to-day 
not  only  the  City  of  New  York  but  the  whole  nation  exults  when  it 
considers  the  work  done  by  its  public  schools.  The  public  school  is 
the  stomach  of  the  nation.  What  ever  has  come  to  us  from  other 
nations  has  been  taken  into  the  stomach  of  the  nation,  the  public 
school,  and  digested  there  until  the  bad  has  been  thrown  away  and 
the  good  has  been  preserved.  Not  only  is  the  lesson  of  patriotism 
taught  in  our  public  schools  but  its  very  spirit  is  breathed  there. 
Even  homeless  waifs  on  Randall's  Island  sing  the  Star  Spangled  Ban- 
ner, and  every  raising  of  the  flag  there  is  hailed  by  cneers  from  them. 
The  first  concern  of  the  Democratic  party  of  the  City  of  New  York 
is  to  preserve  these  schools.  That  was  one  of  the  platform  planks  at 
the  last  Mayoralty  election,  and  through  the  firmness  and  courage 
and  loyalty  of  the  Mayor,  the  Democratic  party  has  carried  out  its 
promise.  We  promised  to  give  the  city  more  schools  and  better 
schools ;  he  has  done  it.  The  greatness  of  New  York  is  due  to  the 
combined  efforts  of  all  the  workers  of  the  city.  Generations  of 
laborers  have  toiled  and  sweated  that  the  city  might  grow,  and  as  it 
has  developed  and  grown  certain  privileges  have  become  of  value. 
These  privileges  belong  to  the  people  because  they  have  made  them 
valuable.  The  Democratic  party  of  this  city  recognizes  that  fact  and 


C3 

insists  that  every  franchise  shall  be  used  to  the  benefit  of  the  people. 
We  want  no  franchise  disposed  of  in  perpetuity.  We  want  no  com- 
bination of  private  capital  using  the  city's  rights  without  compensa- 
tion to  the  city.  We  want  full  return  to  the  people  for  franchises, 
or  better  yet  we  want  the  people  to  own  them  and  operate  them  them- 
selves. Whether  it  be  for  railroads  or  rapid  transit  or  gas  or  anything 
that  means  the  use  of  the  city's  property,  let  it  be  for  the  city.  Let  it 
be  always  owned  by  the  city  and  operated  for  the  city's  benefit.  With 
the  city's  growth  as  I  have  described  it,  has  come  a  cosmopolitan 
population,  a  diversity  of  people  and  a  diversity  of  tastes.  Not  only 
is  this  due  to  immigration,  but  it  is  due  to  the  attractiveness  of  the 
metropolis  for  the  rest  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  great  university  of  American  education  New  York  is  the 
graduating  class.  Look  at  the  men  of  prominence  in  the  city  to-day 
and  count  how  many  of  them  were  born  in  the  city.  They  have 
come  from  the  east,  from  the  west,  from  the  south,  from  the  north — 
poor  boys  looking  for  a  place  to  better  themselves,  and  through  the 
open  generosity  of  New  York  City,  and  the  free  field  and  no  favor 
that  it  gives,  they  have  achieved  the  success  that  has  made  them 
eminent.  These  men  are  broad  minded  and  liberal.  They  recognize 
the  necessity  of  governing  by  the  consent  of  the  governed.  They 
know  that  what  New  York  City  wants  is  home  rule  ;  and  they 
demand  it.  They  resent  the  insult  in  the  imputation  that  New  York 
cannot  govern  itself,  but  must  be  governed  from  Albany.  They 
repudiate  the  bucolic  idea  that  one  man's  business  is  every  other 
man's  business.  They  despise  the  sneaking,  prying  methods  of  the 
paltry  politics  of  the  country  village.  They  hold  that  it  is  the  right 
of  every  citizen  not  only  to  better  himself  if  he  can,  but  to  do  what  he 
pleases  so  far  as  the  doing  does  not  interfere  with  law  and  order  or 
abridge  the  rights  of  his  neighbor.  The  Republican  party  denies  us 
the  right  of  Home  Rule.  It  would  govern  us  as  a  vassal  or  as  a  depend- 
ency. On  that  issue  we  shall  fight  them  until  the  last  drop  of  Demo- 
ocratic  blood  is  shed  !  And  by  the  force  of  right  and  justice  we 
shall  win.  These  are  the  issues  that  keep  us  always  busy  at 
home.  The  Republican  party  and  the  trusts  and  the  monopolies  are 
allies.  They  have  combined  to  rule  or  ruin  the  city  of  New  York. 


\ 

'} 


04 


The  Democratic  party  and  the  people  have  combined  to  save  the 
city.  The  war  is  on.  We  are  fighting  the  battle,  a  battle  that  shall 
know  no  cessation  until  one  or  the  other  side  is  permanently  defeated. 
They  have  the  riches  but  we  have  the  people.  We  shall  win.  In 
the  very  natural  order  of  things,  as  their  riches  increase,  our  people 
will  increase,  for  as  the  wealth  of  the  country  and  city  goes  gradually 
into  fewer  hands,  the  number  of  poor  men  must  grow.  In  my 
official  position  I  stand  always  with  my  fingers  upon  the  pulse  of  the 
poor.  My  ear  is  fraught  every  day  with  their  tales  of  woe,  with 
their  stories  of  poverty  and  destitution.  The  rich  are  getting  richer 
and  the  poor  are  growing  poorer.  Capital  is  combining  to  kill  the 
American  principle  that  every  man  shall  have  an  opportunity  to 
better  himself.  The  Alms  House  is  overcrowded  ;  the  hospitals  lack 
accommodation  and  all  the  provisions  made  by  the  city  for  the  care 
of  the  poor  and  the  sick  are  strained.  The  universal  cry  is  against 
the  lack  of  opportunity  to  better  oneself.  The  day  for  a  man  to 
make  money  out  of  a  small  business  has  gone.  Trusts  and  monopolies 
are  swallowing  up  everything  and  the  population  of  the  city,  not 
only  of  the  city  but  of  the  nation,  is  becoming  quickly  divided  into 
two  classes — a  few  rich  and  countless  poor.  This  is  the  condition 
that  confronts  us  and  this  in  the  condition  that  we,  as  a  people  would 
change. 

We  want  the  growth  of  trusts  and  monopolies  stopped.  We 
want  protection  from  their  heartless  encroachment.  To  us  here  in 
New  York  this  seems  to  be  a  great  national  question.  It  is  in  con- 
templation of  this  question  and  this  question  only  that  we  lose  sight 
of  our  local  issues.  We  are  looking  for  some  man  big  enough  and 
broad  enough  and  brave  enough  to  lead  us  against  the  trusts  and 
monopolies.  We  want  a  man  whose  vision  is  clear,  who  will  look 
always  to  one  point  and  never  be  misled  by  any  side  issue.  They 
talk  to  us  about  gold  and  silver.  What  do  we  care  about  the  color 
of  the  money.  What  we  want  is  an  opportunity  to  make  money, 
and  when  we  have  made  it,  we  want  money  that  will  buy,  money  that 
will  represent  to  us  in  its  purchasing  power  the  amount  of  labor  that 
we  have  expended  to  obtain  it.  If  it  is  silver,  give  it  to  us.  If  it  is 
gold,  give  it  to  us.  If  it  is  both  silver  and  gold  give  it  to  us.  If  it  is 
neither  silver  nor  gold,  give  it  to  us.  But  always  let  it  be  a  fair 


65 

return  for  our  labor.  Every  day  the  trusts  live  and  grow  ;  so  every 
day  does  our  opportunity  to  earn  money  decrease.  We  foresee  the 
time,  unless  trusts  and  monopolies  are  checked,  that  we  shall  have 
no  opportunity  to  make  money,  no  opportunity  to  better  our  con- 
dition. 

They  talk  to  us  of  the  dangers  of  annexation,  that  we  are 
departing  from  the  old  lines  and  the  old  principles  of  Democracy 
and  that  the  United  States  is  no  longer  a  republic  but  an  empire. 
We  of  the  people  do  not  fear  imperialism.  We  have  seen  the  old  flag 
go  again  and  again  to  the  front.  We  have  seen  it  mount  proudly  to 
place  after  place,  and  we  have  never  seen  it  hauled  down.  We  hope 
that  we  may  never  see  it  hauled  down.  We  believe  that  if  this  form 
of  government  is  good  for  us  it  is  good  for  the  Filipinos.  We  are 
willing  to  leave  the  whole  question  of  expansion  to  the  common 
sense  and  justice  and  righteousness  of  the  American  people.  No 
question  has  yet  come  to  them  that  they  have  not  solved  with  credit 
to  themselves  and  with  honor  to  their  flag  ;  and  we  do  not  believe 
that  they  will  fail  in  solving  the  question  of  expansion.  Expansion 
like  the  question  of  finance,  is  only  a  side  issue  as  compared  with  the 
great  struggle  that  is  going  on  between  the  trusts  and  the  people. 
The  time  has  come  when  all  men  that  hate  monopoly  must  enroll 
under  a  common  banner.  All  Democrats  of  whatever  faith  must  get 
together  in  the  struggle  against  monopoly  and  for  the  fight  the 
people  are  making  for  their  very  lives.  The  Gold  Democrat  must 
stand  by  the  Silver  Democrat.  The  expansionist  must  stand  by  the 
anti-expansionist.  The  way  to  win  is  to  broaden  a  party,  not  to 
narrow  it.  With  that  sentiment,  let  me  offer  this  toast  : 

Here's  to  every  Democrat !  A  health  to  him  !  No  matter  who 
he  is  or  where  he  is,  or  what  his  condition  may  be — a  health  to  him  ! 

Here's  to  him  who  has  a  $10  dinner  !  May  he  always  be  able  to 
have  it ! 

Here's  to  him  who  has  a  $1  dinner  !     May  he  have  a  $10  dinner. 

Here's  to  him  who  has  no  dinner  !  A  double  health  to  him,  and 
may  the  future  open  wide  its  gates  and  beckon  him  to  happiness  and 
prosperity. 


66 

Here's  to  the  Democrat  that  never  leaves  his  party  :  who  swims 
with  it  or  sinks  with  it,  who  lives  with  it  or  dies  with  it — a  health  to 
him  and  may  there  be  more  of  him. 

Here's  to  the  Democrat  that  leaves  his  party  and  wants  to  come 
back  to  it.  Let  the  door  be  opened  to  the  prodigal.  Let  the  lost 
sheep  return.  May  there  be  less  of  him. 

Here's  to  Tammany  Hall !  That  organization  of  the  common 
people  of  the  City  of  New  York  that  never  falters  in  its  Democracy 
and  that  fights  tooth  and  nail  against  monopolies  and  trusts.  God 
bless  it ! 

Here's  to  the  Democratic  party  of  the  nation  !  May  it  be  broad 
enough  to  take  in  all  Democrats  and  may  it  be  strong  enongh  to 
overcome  all  opposition.  Greater  than  any  individual,  wider  than 
any  single  issue,  more  comprehensive  than  any  one  class,  it  springs 
from  the  people  and  holds  within  its  grasp  all  that  is  best  of 
humanity.  It  may  err  in  certain  lines  but  in  the  main  it  is  always 
right,  for  it  stands  on  the  principles  of  Jefferson  and  it  encompasses 
the  whole  range  of  the  brotherhood  of  man.  It  is  my  party — the 
party  of  my  fathers  and  the  party  of  my  choice.  Of  it  I  am  proud 
to  say  :  I  am  with  you  when  you  are  right  and  I  am  with  you 
when  you  are  wrong  ;  but  right  or  wrong  I  am  with  you — my  party  ! 


67 


TABLE  A. 


George  P.  Andrews. 

Perry  Belmont. 

Henry  W.  Bookslaver. 

Arthur  Brisbane. 

Gen.  Isaac  S.  Catlin. 

Alfred  C.  Chapin. 

Wm.  J.  Connor. 

Thos.  F.  Conway. 

Amos  J.  Cummings. 

Elliot  Danforth, 

Don  M.  Dickinson. 

P.  H.  Dugro, 

James  Fitzgerald. 

John  Flannigan,  (Canandaigua). 

Roswell  P.  Flower. 

John  Fox. 

Leonard  A.  Giegerich. 

Henry  A.  Gildersleeve. 

Edward  Glennen. 

Andrew  H.  Green. 

William  R.  Hearst. 


John  W.  Keller. 
David  Leventritt. 
Wm.  F.  Mackey. 
John  P.  Madden. 
Nicholas  Muller. 
Hugh  McLaughlin. 
Stephen  C.  Norville. 
Morgan  J.  O'Brien. 
Edward  Patterson. 
Robert  B.  Roosevelt. 
Martin  Schenck. 
Frederick  C.  Schraub. 
James  Shevlin. 
Frederick  Smyth. 
Benj.  F.  Spraker. 
John  B.  Stanchfleld. 
Charles  H.  Traux. 
Charles  H.  Van  Brunt. 
Augustus  Van  Wyck. 
John  W.  Weber. 
Thomas  J.  Whitney. 


TABLE  B. 


Thomas  J.  Brady. 
Anthony  N.  Brady. 
J.  W.  Boyle. 
Richard  Croker. 
John  P.  Carroll. 
George  C.  Clausen. 
James  J .  Coogan. 
J.  Sergeant  Cram. 
Michael  T.  Daly. 
Patrick  Divver. 
Matthew  F.  Donohue. 
Peter  J.  Dooling. 
Thomas  J.  Dunn. 
William  Dalton. 
Martin  Engel. 
E.  T.  Fitzpatrick. 
Isaac  From  me. 
Thomas  L.  Feitner. 
Asa  Bird  Gardiner. 
Randolph  Guggenheimer, 
Harry  C.  Hart. 
Nicholas  J.  Hayes. 
Maurice  F.  Holahan. 
Wm.  T.  Jenkins. 
James  P.  Keating. 
Patrick  Keenan. 
Charles  H.  Knox. 
Francis  J.  Lantry. 
James  J.  Martin. 


Frederick  E.  Bauer. 

Charles  H.  Bevens. 

J.  A.  Blaurock. 

George  Blair. 

S.  L.  Chamberlain. 

Richard  Croker,  Jr. 

Frank  H.  Croker. 

H.  B.  Devoe. 

E.  D.  Farrell. 

Frederick  Feigl. 

Allen  Fitch. 

Charles  C.  Guggenheimer. 

Charles  R.  Hall. 


Peter  F.  Meyer. 
August  Moebus. 
Rollin  M.  Morgan. 
Michael  C.  Murphy. 
Charles  F.  Murphy. 
Edward  Murphy,  Jr. 
James  McCartney. 
Daniel  F.  McMahon. 
John  McQuade. 
Percival  E.  Nagle. 
Lewis  Nixon. 
John  T.  Oakley. 
Thomas  H.  O'Neil. 
Patrick  J.  Ryder. 
John  J.  Ryan,  (Com'r.) 
Thos.  F.  Ryan. 
John  J.  Scannell. 
George  F.  Scannell. 
John  B.  Sexton. 
Thomas  F.  Smith. 
William  Sohmer. 
William  E.  Stillings. 
Joseph  H.  Stiner. 
Nathan  Straus. 
P.  J.  Scully. 
Samuel  Untermyer. 
George  M.  Van  Hoesen. 
Charles  Welde. 
John  Whalen. 


TABLE  C. 


J.  Barry  Lounsberry. 
Sigo  Myers. 
C.  E.  F.  McCann. 
John  H.  McCarthy] 
George  W.  McGowan. 
Sherman  S.  Norton 
Miles  M.  O'Brien. 
Charles  M.  Preston. 
Ricardo  Rodriguez. 
John  C.  L.  Rogge. 
Edward  F.  Raynor 
H.  Valentine  Wildman. 


TABLE  D. 


Turner  A.  Beall. 
Frank  S.  Beard. 
Henry  J.  Braker. 
Thos.  Byrnes. 
Lewis  J.  Conlan. 
J.  B.  Cosby..  M.  D. 
Thomas  Costigan. 
Edmond  J.   Curry . 
Francis  B.  Delehanty. 
N.  O.  Fanning. 
Frank  T.   Fitzgerald. 
James  M.  Fitzsimons. 
Andrew  Freed  man. 
Charles  Goeiler. 
Robert  Goeiler. 
John  J.  Gibbous. 
Theo.  F.  Hascall. 
Francis  Higgins. 


A.  H.  Lewis. 
J.  W.  Miller. 

B.  Moynahan. 
Walter  Gibbs  Murphy. 
Martin  T.  McMahon. 
Edward  F.  O'Dwyer. 
John  G.  O'Keeffe. 
Wiliiam  J.  O'Sullivan. 
William  N.  Penney. 
Maurice  J.  Power. 
John  J.  Quinlan. 
Louis  Raegener. 

John  F.  Reis. 
John  P.  Schuchman. 
John  H.  Spellman. 
John  A.  Sullivan. 
Evan  Thomas. 
Eusrene  D.  Wood. 


TABLE  E. 


J.  B.  Beatty. 
James  B.  Bouck. 
Thomas  F.  Byrne. 
John  J.  Cain. 
James  C.  Church. 
Bird  S.  Coler. 
Michael  J.  Coffey. 
H.  T.  De  La  Malta. 
M.  J.  Degnon. 
William  A.  Doyle. 
G.  E.  Graff. 
John  Guilfoyle. 
Henry  Hasterberg. 
Arthur  J.  Heauey. 
Frank  Hennessy. 
James  Kane. 
William  Keegau. 
Michael  J.  Kennedy. 


Ulrich  Maurer. 
M.  Minden. 
John  McCarty. 
P.  H.  McCarren. 
Joseph  A.  McGarry . 
S.  W.  McKeever. 
Colin  McLean. 
M.  W.  Nolan. 
Thomas  J.  Patterson. 
George  W.  Phillips. 
Arthur  C.  Salmon. 
Joseph  V.  Scully. 
John  L.  Shea. 
Luke  D.  Stapleton. . 
G.  H.  Tower. 
George  P.  Upington. 
John  W.  Weber. 
Bernard  J.  York. 


70 
TABLE  F. 

Solon  Berrick.  E.  L.  Lithauer. 

Stephen  S.  Blake.  Maurice  Mayer. 

Thomas  E.  Crimmins.  J.  M.  Motley. 

Thomas  J.  Crombie.  T.  M.  Motley. 

P.  J.  Cuskley.  James  D.  Murphy. 

Bartholomew  Donovan.  John  P.  O'Brien. 

Hugh  Donnelly.  Theodore  Obermeyer. 

William  Hildreth  Field.  Eugene  Otterbough. 

Robert  Hall.  Herman  Probst. 

George  B.  M.  Harvey.  William  G.  Ringler. 

John  B.  Hasslacher.  Albert  Rothermel. 

Moses  Herrman.  Nelson  H.  Salisbury. 

William  M.  Hoes.  Vincent  Slattery. 

Arthur  J.  Horgan.  George  H.  Toop. 

George  J.  Jetter.  John  M.  Tracy. 

J.  E.  Jetter.  L.  Wannamacher. 

John  Keleher.  Bartow  S.  Weeks. 

H.  H.  Levy.  Lorenz  Zeller. 


TABLE  G. 

Max  Bachert.  Forbes  J.  Hennessy. 

William  F.  Baker.  Benjamin  Hoffman. 

Maurice  B.  Blumenthal.  Joseph  V.  Jordan. 

John  J.  Buckley.  John  P.  Kenney. 

William  G.  Byrne.  Wm.  J.  K.  Kenny. 

Frank  W.  Coler.  John  Hall  McKay. 

W.  N.  Coler.  John  J.  O'Connor. 

Dr.  John  F.  Connors.  Thomas  J.  O'Donohue. 

Cornelius  Daly.  Joseph  J.  O'Donohue,  Jr. 

Alfred  M.  Downes.  John  M.  Quinn. 

C.  L.  Duval.  John  C.  Schoenenberger. 

Charles  A.  Farley.  Thomas  Q.  Seabrooke. 

Stephen  A.  Ferguson.  Herman  Stiefel. 

John  Fox,  Jr.  J.  H.  Timmerman. 

David  Gideon.  William  C.  Towen. 

William  H.  Gledhill.  William  O.  B.  Walker. 

John  F.  Gouldsbury.  Robert  H.  Weems. 

William  Hannah.  John  A.  Wrede. 


71 
TABLE  H. 


David  E.  Austen. 
Isaac  Bell  Brennan. 

F.  J.  Brettman. 
8.  F.  Burns. 
Robert  E.  Deyo. 

G.  Dorval. 
Willis  B.  Dowd. 
John  B.  Finn. 
Edward  T.  Flynn. 
Henry  D.  Hotchkiss. 
E.  F.  Hoyt. 

C.  C.  Hughes. 
Charles  A.  Jackson. 
E.  M.  Jordan. 
A.  T.  Kiernan. 
C.  E.  Kilmer. 
William  K.  Kurtz. 
Thomas  H.  Manley. 


S.  W.  Martin. 
Andrew  Miller. 
Michael  J.  Mulqueen. 
Joseph  F.  Mulqueen. 
Theo.  W.  Myers. 
David  McClure. 
David  F.  O'Connor. 
M.  Warley  Platzek. 
Theo.  Reihl. 
P.  L.  W.  Schaffner. 
Henry  M.  Silver. 
John  Slattery. 
Nelson  Smith. 
James  C.  Spencer. 
William  J.  Underwood. 
Jules  Weber. 
R.  A.  Witthaus. 
W.  E.  Wonderlick. 


TABLE  I. 


August  Acker. 
Michael  F.  Blake. 
Benjamin  J.  Bodine. 
George  Brand. 
Robert  Brown. 
Daniel  Campbell. 
John  Croak. 
P.  F.  Donohue. 
H.  P    Drew. 
Samuel  Eckstein. 
James  Feeny. 
Dr.  John  L  Feeney. 
J.  F.  Finch. 
Thomas  W.  Fitzgerald. 
Bryan  P.  Henry. 
Walter  H.  Holt. 
Charles  E.  Hoyer. 
George  E.  Harding. 


John  J.  Kenney. 
Edward  B.  La  Fetra. 
Wm.  J.  Lardner. 
Edward  I.  Miller. 
Charles  H.  Moore. 
Henry  P.  Morrison. 
Edward  M.  Muller. 
John  J.  Murphy. 
Joseph  Murray. 
Stephen  McCormick. 
William  P.  Meehan. 
Frank  A.  O'Donnell. 
Alexander  M.  Ross. 
Hugh  Thomas. 
Calvin  D.  Van  Name. 
Franklin  C.  Vitt. 
Patrick  A.  Whitney. 
Dr.  J.  Walter  Wood. 


72 


TABLE  J. 


Alfred  E.  Aarons. 
Abram  Bernard. 
Joseph  T.  Brown,  Jr. 
Joseph  D.  Carroll. 
John  D.  Creamer. 
David  R.  Daly. 
A.  T.  Docharty. 
John  B.  Doerr. 
Wm.  H.  F.  Doerr. 
Mitchell  L.  Erlanger. 
A.  L.  Erlanger. 
John  Flannigan. 
James  L.  Gordon. 
William  Harris. 
George  Hill. 
Washington  Hull. 
Benjamin  A.  Jackson. 
John  J.  Jones. 


Charles  S.  Ashley. 
H.  J.  Forker. 
James  Flynn. 
C.  C.  Hibbard. 
John  Lynn. 
Henry  Murray. 


A.  Sanford  Adler. 
John  Quincy  Adams. 
Frederick  H.  Allen. 
Walter  Alexander. 
Alfred  C.  Bage. 
A.  Benzinger. 
C.  P.  Buchanan. 
Charles  J.  Chapman. 
W.  Ray  Delano. 
John  T.  Farley. 
E.  M.  Gattle. 
Frank  J.  Goodwin. 
A.  W.  Hallenborg. 
E.  A.  Hull. 
Jocelyn  Johnstone. 


James  P.  Keenan. 
Marc  Klaw. 
N.  D.  Lawton. 
Mitchell  A.  C.  Levy. 
Joseph  Leopold. 
George  W.  Lederer. 
L.  B  Malone. 
E.  T.  T.  Marsh. 
John  O'Connell. 
H.  H.  Porter. 
Milton  Roblee. 
John  C.  Saeger. 
James  M.  Saeger. 
George  S.  Sterling. 
Charles  Thorley. 
Robert  Townsend. 
Thomas  M.  Walker. 
William  E.  Wyatt. 


TABLE  K. 


Sylvester  J.  O'Sullivan. 
Henry  W.  Rieddell. 
F.  B.  Robert. 
Wm.  S.  Rodie. 
Ernest  Staples. 
John  Vincent. 


TABLE  L. 


J.  Lewis  Lyon. 
John  Lerscher. 
John  W.  McDonald. 
Gratz  Nathan. 
John  J.  Neville,  M.D. 
Wm.  J.  O'Leary. 
Phillip  Rosenheim. 
M.  Schwartz. 
Charles  A.  Skidmore. 
Edward  C.  Stone. 
Thomas  H.  Sullivan. 
James  J.  Traynor. 
Montgomery  Wade. 
Charles  G.  F.  Wahle. 
Russell  Whitcomb. 


73 


TABLE  M. 


Jules  L.  Bache. 
F.  W.  Bleckweun. 
John  V.  Donohue. 
Edmund  J.  Healy. 
Patrick  J.  Marra. 
Francis  J.  Molloy. 
Wm.  T.  Monteverde. 
H.  Mooyer. 
Edgar  G.  Murphy. 
C.  L.  Peters. 
Frank  Pidgeou, 
E.  C.  Potter. 


Michael  Power. 
Austin  E.  Pressinger. 
Antonio  Rasines. 
Bernard  Reich. 
Wm.  P.  Richardson. 
C.  F.  Roberts,  M.  D. 
Marcus  Rosenkrands. 
Jacob  Rubins. 
Charles  A.  Van  Iderstine. 
A.  W.  Welch. 
C.  J.  Wittenberg. 


TABLE  N. 


Stewart  M.  Brice. 

F.  A.  Burnham. 

M.  Callahan. 

Cornelius  Callahan. 

D.  A.  Casella. 

James  S.  Coleman. 

B.  F.  Coleman. 

John  J.  Crane. 

P.  A.  Curtis. 

John  Daly. 

H.  J.  Dickerson. 

Samuel  S.  Ehrich. 

Smith  Ely. 

Joseph  P.  Fallen. 

John  Flemming,  (Queens) 

Roger  Foster. 

Herman  Fromme. 

Jacob  Fromme. 

M.  S.  Guiterman. 

F.  Haberman. 


Richard  M.  Henry. 
Peter  J.  Herter. 
Otto  Horwitz. 
P.  J.  Kelly. 
J.  G.  Knowlton. 
Edward  V.  Loew. 
Abraham  Levy. 
Albert  Loening, 
Anthony  Molinelli. 
M.  J.  O'Connor. 
James  O'Connor. 
Keyran  O'Connor. 
Charles  A.  O'Neill. 
Arthur  Phillips.  » 
Arthur  Sweeney. 
J.  Van  Smith. 
Alexander  Taylor. 
Benjamin  Tuska. 
Richard  M   Walters. 


TABLE  O. 


L.  W,  Ahrens. 
Asa  A.  Ailing. 
Albert  Bach. 
Joseph  Blumenthal. 
George  W.  Brown,  Jr. 
G.  F.  Burslem. 
Eugene  L.  Bushe. 
Thomas  C.  T.  Grain. 
Leo  C.  Dessar. 
W.  W.  Farmer. 
H.  C.  Friedman. 
John  M.  Gardner. 
Joseph  F.  Gleason. 
Joseph  Gordon. 
William  F.  Grell. 
Charles  H.  Haswell. 
Hugo  Kanzler. 
G.  Radford  Kelso. 
Clarence  D.  Levey. 


John  H.  Mooney. 
Henry  Morgenthau. 
L.  C.  Mouquin. 
William  J.  Murray. 
David  O'Brien. 
E.  J.  O'Brien. 
P.  J.  O'Hanlon. 
W.  E.  Paine. 
Wm.  L.  Peck. 
Benjamin  L.  Peck. 
Wm.  H.  Redding. 
James  A.  Riordan. 
Charles  W.  Ridgeway. 
Isaac  Rodman. 
David  Ryan. 
Jacob  H.  Semel. 
Wm.  8.  Sexton. 
Thomas  J.  Shanley. 
Charles  G.  Wilson. 


TABLE  P. 


Daniel  F.  Cooney. 
H.  T.  Dykman. 
John  J.  Dwyer. 
J.  E.  Enrich. 
W.  T.  Emmett. 
8.  L.  Elzas. 
Augustus  M.  Field. 
Edwin  W.  Fiske. 
John  F.  Fitzgerald. 
John  H.  Flagler. 
George  F.  Flack. 
K.  Fortesque. 


Henry  J.  Furlong. 
Joseph  E.  Gavin. 
David  Goodman. 
William  Gray. 
Thomas  F.  Grady. 
Nelson  G.  Green. 
Cornelius  A.  Hart. 
C.  V.  Holman. 
Samuel  Joseph. 
James  Kerr. 
George  A.  Kessler/ 


75 


TABLE  Q. 


Arthur  Blot. 
Pasquale  Caponigri. 
David  F.  Casey. 
John  M.  Delmour. 
Cyrus  Edson. 
Henry  Evans. 
E.  J.  Farrell. 
Francis  Farquhar. 
Joshua  Gregg. 
Charles  L.  Guy. 
Joseph  Haag. 
Paul  Halpin. 
Philip  Hano. 
James  A.  Hanley. 
William  H.  Hurst. 


A.  H.  Hummel. 
William  H.  Jasper. 
William  J.  Lyon. 
Thomas  F.  McAvoy. 
Thomas  G.  McCarthy. 
John  B.  McDonald. 
Lamont  McLoughlin. 
W.  H.  Page,  Jr. 
Hosea  B.  Perkins. 
John  C.  Rogers. 
Daniel  Sheehan. 
John  E.  Souers. 
Wm.  C.  Trull. 
Louis  Wendel. 
Louis  Wendel,  Jr. 


TABLE  R. 


P.  J.  Andrews. 
Charles  Benn. 
J.  W.  Connolly. 
Bartholomew  Dunn. 
William  H.  Masterson. 
Charles  J.  McKeon. 


A.  A.  McLeod. 
John  M.  Riehle. 
Vincent  Victory. 
Henry  W.  Vogel. 
Harry  W.  Walker. 
Antonio  Zucca. 


TABLE  AA. 


Edward  J.  Atkinson. 
James  F.  Bishop. 
Clarence  Bonynge. 
Edward  F.  Bonynge. 
John  E.  Brodsky. 
Edward  Brown. 
William  H.  Burke. 
John  H.  Campbell. 
Charles  J.  Clements. 
Albert  E.  Crabtree. 
Vernon  M.  Davis. 
Charles  L.  Doran. 
Louis  F.  Fechtman. 
Frank  W.  Geraty. 


John  J.  Gilroy, 
John  Halloran. 
John  B.  Haskins,  Jr. 
William  J.  Kennedy. 
L.  8.  Manson. 
J.  H.  McCarty. 
Benjamin  T.  Rhoads,  Jr. 
William  Bobbins. 
Patrick  Ryan. 
Louis  W.  Schultze. 
M.  Valentine. 
Jacob  Washburn. 
Andrew  J.  White. 
Charles  H.  Woodhull. 


76 


TABLE  BB. 

William  A.  Butler.  James  H.  Maloney. 

Arthur  C.  Butts.  Edward  A.  Maher,  Jr. 

George  Clark.  Edward  A.  Maher, 

Joseph  W.  Cody.  Richard  H.  Mitchell. 

P.  F.  Collier.  Eugeue  Monaghan. 

F.  H.  Dillingham.  Thomas  J.  Mulligan. 

Henry  Dimse.  J.  Fairfax  McLaughlin. 

Frank  Dobson.  W.  W.  Penfield. 

Edwin  N.  Doll.  Louis  A.  Risse. 

John  P.  Dunn.  Archibald  M.  Shrady. 

Henry  A.  Gumbleton.  C.  B.  J.  Snyder. 

Louis  F.  Haffen.  John  M.  Tierney 

Joseph  Liebertz.  Charles  Wehle. 

Thomas  M.  Lynch.  Robert  C.  Wood. 

TABLE  CC. 

Henry  G.  Autenreith.  Henry  S.  Kearny. 

Maurice.  Baumel  Joseph  B.  Morgan. 

Philip  J.  Britt  James  Moran. 

Edward  R.  Carroll.  Thomas  E.  Munday. 

Matthew  Corbett.  D.  W.  F.  McCoy. 

M.  C.  Danenbaum.  John  E.  McDonald. 

John  M.  Fox.  T.  J.  McManus. 

Jacob  Fleischauer.  John  H.  Naughton. 

P.  Gallaerher.  David  J.  Roche. 

John  J.  Harrington.  Sol.  D.  Rosenthal. 

William  H.  Hornidge.  Samuel  Sanders. 

John  P.  Kane.  Abner  C.  Thomas. 

E.  F.  Keating.  Henry  W.  Unger. 

Joseph  T.  Keating.  James  G.  Wallace 

TABLE  DD. 

E.  S.  Atwater.  P.  H.  Keahon. 

Jacob  E.  Bausch.  John  H.  Little. 

Herman  Bolte.  Wauhope  Lynn. 

T.  F.  Byrnes  John  J.  Moore. 

William  H.  Dobbs.  William  F.  Moore. 

Edward  J.  Donlin.  James  D.  McClelland. 

John  A.  Dooner.  Stephen  McFarland. 

Paul  Dresser.  John  T.  Nagle. 

"Richard  Fitzpatrick.  S.  J.  Parmenter. 

Edward  Gilon.  James  J.  Walsh. 

Edward  W.  Hart.  Joseph  E   Welling. 

Andrew  S.  Hammersley.  Dr.  Hamilton  Williams. 

P.  J.  Hawley.  Daniel  Williams. 

Robert  Kelly.  Samuel  Wolfe. 


77 


TABLE  EE. 


Frank  L.  Bacon 
Edward  Browne. 
Daniel  J .  Campbell. 
Harry  Chaffee. 
John  R.  Collard. 
John  H.  Conway. 
John  F.  Doherty. 
John  E.  Fitzgerald. 
Floyd  Grant. 
Michael  Halpin. 
P.  W.  Highman. 
Michael  Kennedy. 
Jeremiah  Kennefick. 
William  L.  Marks. 
John  G.  H.  Meyers. 


James  O'Brien. 
John  O'Brien. 
James  O'Connell. 
James  A.  O'Gorman. 
J.  B.  Quinlan. 
Wm.  P.  Rinckhoff. 
Frank  G.  Rinn. 
J.  J.  Russell. 
Peter  Schmuck. 
Henry  Siefke. 
James  H.  Southworth. 
J.  H.  G,  Vehslage. 
John  M.  Willis. 
A.  Zimmerman. 


TABLE  FF. 


George  E.  Best. 
John  Beaver. 
Thomas  8.  Brennan. 
John  F.  Brennan. 
William  E.  Burke. 
William  P.  Burr. 
E.  Childs, 
Alex,  Clark. 
Abel  Crook. 
Joseph  P.  Day. 
William  Durland. 
Daniel  E.  Finn. 
E.  W.  Guidon. 
Franklin  Haines. 


A.  B.  Hart. 
Dennis  J.  Harrington. 
James  H.  Haslin. 
Louis  A.  La  Tour. 
Thomas  McLarnon, 
Bernard  Naughton, 
Charles  D.  O'Connell. 
T.  C.  O'Sullivan, 
James  W.  Osborne 
Robert  D.  Petty, 
James  J.  Phelan, 
Rastus  S.  Ransom, 
James  R.  Torrance. 
Walter  F.  Vernon. 


TABLE  GG. 


Charles  M.  Beattie. 

Isaac  R.  Benjamin. 

Joseph  B.  Bissell. 

E.  Blanke. 

Samuel  E.  Bouker. 

Louis  V.  Bouraem. 

J.  H.  Brett. 

Carl  Callman. 

Henry  H.  Childers. 

Lawrence  Delmour. 

John  Flemming,  (Manhattan) 

George  N.  Gardiner. 

Isadore  Gartner. 

Joseph  I.  Green. 


Herman  Joseph. 
Alexander  Meakim. 
H.  Morosini. 
S.  A.  Murphy. 
Patrick  McDavitt. 
J.  J.  McDonough. 
John  B.  McKeon. 
Edward  A.  McQuade. 
John  J.  S.  McQuade. 
P.  H.  Pickett. 
Wm.  E.  Rider. 
Joseph  Schilling. 
Edward  C.  Sheeny. 
J.  C.  Simon. 


78 


TABLE  HH. 


J.  H.  Ammon. 
John  E.  Backus. 
Franklin  Bten. 
Charles  Blandy. 
Thomas  C.  Clarke. 
Francis  R.  Glair. 
Theodore  Connoly. 
William  Danenbaum. 
Isaac  E,  Danenbaum. 
Henry  J.  Dick. 
Dore  Felbel. 
Joseph  A.  Flynn. 
Martin  Herman. 
John  H.  Judge. 


E.  L.  Merrifield. 
J.  M.  Meyer. 
C.  M.  Meyer. 
Cord  Meyer. 
E.  L.  Mooney. 
John  Moore, 
Charles  D.  Olendorf . 
Harold  S.  Rankine. 
James  M.  Schenck. 
A.  M.  Smart. 
Abraham  Strouse. 
Stevenson  Towle. 
John  Von  Glahn. 
George  C   Waldo. 


TABLE  II. 


John  R.  Abney. 
George  B.  Brown. 
John  E.  Conner. 
John  F.  Harriot. 
Isaac  A.  Hopper. 
William  H.  Kipp. 
John  B.  Mayo. 
Thaddeus  Moriarty. 
John  Mahoney. 
James  J.  Mahoney. 
James  A.  Mahoney. 


Anthony  McOwen. 
Wilbur  McBride. 
W.  H.  McDonough. 
Walker  A.  Otis. 
Daniel  O'Reilly. 
John  J.  Quinn. 
W.  F.  Rudolphy. 
F.  Rullman. 
Philip  A.  Smyth. 
C.  F.  Wildey. 
George  Zieger, 


TABLE  JJ. 


Thos.  J.  Byrne. 
John  F.  Cowan. 
Albert  Elterich. 
Maurice  Featherson. 
James  M.  Fitzpatrick. 
Peter  Geeks. 
Max  E.  Eahn. 
John  M.  Linck. 
E.  F.  Lyng. 
James  T.  Malone. 
John  A.  Mason. 


Matthew  H.  Moore. 
Edward  McCue. 
John  E.  Nagle. 
John  M.  Phelan. 
John  J.  Ryan,  (Judge) 
Daniel  J.  Riordon. 
John  P.  Schermerhorn. 
Charles  E.  Simms,  Jr 
F.  A.  Spencer. 
Herman  Sulzer. 
Daniel  Ulrich. 


79 


TABLE  KK. 


Michael  Breen. 
Edward  P.  Carroll. 
A.  Dreyfus. 
John  J.  Fallen. 
George  H.  Fahrbach. 
J.  Fleischman. 
Warren  W.  Foster. 
Andrew  Foye. 
James  J.  Grady. 
Herbert  A.  Holahan. 
Stephen  H.  Keating. 
Wm.  H.  Loughran. 
Daniel  F.  Martin. 


Henry  P.  Mulvany. 
James  McCabe. 
John  McSherry. 
Thomas  Nolan. 
W.  B.  O'Rourke. 
John  Renehan. 
Matthew  P.  Ryan. 
Peter  Seery, 
Henry  Steinert. 
Thomas  F.  Woods. 
Jacob  C.  Wund. 
Frank  P.  Young. 


TABLE  LL. 


Phillip  B.  Benjamin. 
Henry  Berlinger. 
Frank  J.  Butler. 
T.  J.  Campbell. 
Anthony  Clinchy. 
Charles  L.  Cohen. 
Joseph  D.  Dailey. 
William  G.  Davies. 
J.  M.  Davis. 
George  Desoye. 
M.  B.  Feeney. 
James  J.  Flemming. 
Henry  M.  Goldfogle. 
Charles  J.  Krauss. 


Louis  J.  Ladinski. 
William  P.  Mitchell. 
James  B.  Mulry. 
John  E.  Murphy. 
William  J.  McKenna. 
Bernard  McQuade. 
A.  A.  Noonan. 
Edward  F.  Reynolds. 
George  F.  Roesch. 
William  E.  Sengens. 
William  Sulzer. 
M.  H.  Whalen. 
Henry  W.  Wolff. 


TABLE  MM. 


James  A.  Donnelly. 
George  Grau. 
D.  L.  Hough. 
Timothy  J.  Hayes. 
Adolph  J.  Hupfel. 
W.  A.  Hamilton. 
Wm.  J.  Keys. 
George  J.  Kilgen. 
Napoleon  L.  Levy. 
Jefferson  M.  Levy. 
Walter  8.  Logan. 
Wm.  D.  Mann. 
L.  S.  Marx. 


Bernard  F.  Martin. 
George  F.  Martens. 
Henry,  Mesa 
John  Moje. 
John  Mullins. 
John  McCausland. 
David  Roche. 
J.  Rothschild, 
Leonard  Rose. 
Henry  J.  Ryan. 
Timothy  D.  Sullivan. 
Denis  Sweeney. 


80 


TABLE  NN. 


P.  B.  Adams. 
Henry  A.  Brann. 
John  P.  Corrigan. 
W.  G.  Fransioli. 
Terence  Farley. 
E.  B.  Frost. 
Lawrence  T.  Fell. 
John  F.  Foley. 
C.  H.  McLaughlin. 
William  A.  McQuaid. 
Henry  F.  Naphen. 


James  L.  Norris. 
James  W.  O'Brien. 
F.  V.  8.  Oliver. 
James  Oliver. 
M.  H.  Oppenheim. 
Edward  C.  Oppenheim. 
F.  K.  Pendleton. 
George  W.  Plunkitt. 
J.  D.  Quincy. 
E.  V.  Skinner. 
Henry  W.  Wheeler. 


TABLE  OO. 


John  Burke. 
James  Dooling. 
John  Delahanty. 
James  G.  Dyer. 
George  Landon. 
James  B.  Lyon. 
Townsend  Scudder. 
Thomas  C.  Smith. 
T.  G.  Smith. 
E.  A.  Smith. 
J.  Frank  Snyder. 
John  Stevens. 


B.  J.  Sullivan. 

William  M.  Schwenker. 

W.  T.  Taylor. 

Walker  N.  Thayer. 

W.  W.  Tompkins. 

John  Q.  Underbill. 

Joseph  H.  Vendig. 

R.  L.  Waters. 

William  D.  H.  Washington. 

Col.  Alfred  Wagstaff. 

Edward  G.  Whitaker. 


TABLE  PP. 


Charles  V.  Adee. 
John  F.  Ahearn. 
Frank  A.  Adams. 
William  Booth. 
O.  S.  Bailey. 
George  Bardin. 
Henry  J.  Comasky. 
Geo.  W.  Cornell. 
J.  D.  Cremin. 
A.  B.  Cruikshank. 
Daniel  J.  Donovan, 


E.  P.  Gleason. 
A.  J.  Johnson. 
Edgar  J.  Levey. 
Walter  A.  Murray. 
Eugene  J.  McEnroe. 
Bryan  O'Hara. 
JohnC.  Orr. 
N.  A.  Playter. 
James  C.  Ryan. 
John  J.  Walsh. 


PRESS   OF 

W.  P.  MITCHELL  &  SON, 

39  BEEKMAN  STREET, 

NEW  YORK. 


DATE  DUE 


-MAft 


1 1 1987 


PRINTED  IN  US 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


A  A      000302262    1 


3   1970  00574  7750 


